Medieval Morden: The Manorial Economy

by Peter Hopkins

Peter Hopkins began his studies of Medieval Morden more than 20 years ago, by copying, transcribing and translating any and every medieval record relating to Morden that he could find. The comprehensive results may be seen on our website, under morden-manorial-records. Peter’s ultimate aim was to produce an integrated view of life in Morden in the medieval and early Tudor period. The present volume is the first of three, which together aim to cover ‘everything you never wanted to know about medieval Morden’ as Peter has often commented! Of the 20,000-25,000 manors in England (estimates vary considerably) Morden was not the poorest, but was along way from being the richest. Happily, it is thus representative of a large fraction of the total number, and well worth the intense study that Peter has afforded it.

Based mainly on the surviving records of Westminster Abbey’s manor of Morden, we have here a study of how the available resources were managed to best support the monks. In other words, how did the manor earn money and how was it spent? Detailed chapters on individual subjects start with the manorial centre and its equipment, comprising ploughs, carts, and tools, and some brewing equipment. There is a splendid list of the medieval Latin terms for such inventory items as untyred cart, dung fork, cask, cask for servant’s flour, cask for toll, and so delightfully on. We continue with the land, where Peter’s examination of field names places many in the landscape. Your reviewer is puzzled by the position of the manorial centre, tucked away in the
northern-most corner of the parish, far from the church, but near the mill. Discussion of crops covers not only the usual wheat, barley and oats, but also unfamiliar mixtures such as dredge, maslin and mixstillio. Evidence for the rotation of these crops and their yields is carefully examined. Their profitability is calculated, as is that of meadow, pasture and woodland. Livestock, comprising horses, cattle, the dairy herd, poultry, sheep and pigs,
are enumerated, and the varying prices obtained for their produce (hides, leather, wool) are listed.

The human resources, both labour and management, are considered at length. The changes in management after the Black Death are examined, when direct rule under local estate managers (tenants or employees of the abbey) was replaced by farming out to leaseholders for varying terms. Under both, the tenants were responsible for paying their rents and dues and fulfilling their customary labour services, though increasingly resisting the heavier of these. Craftsmen and specialists (carpenters, miller, smith, roofers, tilers) and casual labourers are noted and costed.

Morden was not self-sufficient, especially in mill stones, building stone, roof tiles and timber, and the manor’s contacts elsewhere were quite extensive, including London and places in Surrey, Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Essex and Kent. Other aspects of Morden are discussed briefly, including roads – the king’s highways to London (the present A24) and to Kingston (the present track known as Green Lane) and the mere highway to Croydon – and problems with tenants in Ewell, as well as the more serious challenges of famine, murrain and plague.

The 200 pages of text are supported by a full academic apparatus and an Index. Numerical data throughout is presented in graphical form, year by year. All of the text extracts are dated and given in two forms: an image of the original Latin document (and the original hand-writing – a help to palaeographers) and a translation, faithfully reproduced, including crossings-out and later additions. The information is leavened by the pages for chapter-heading being illustrated, with not always serious items (‘two medieval doodles’ anyone?). There is a useful map on the back cover showing the various estates within the ancient parish, allowing comparison with the drastically different modern parish boundary.

In the course of this endeavour, Peter Hopkins enlisted the aid of an amazing number of academic specialists in the period, duly credited in the Notes and References. This is a work of immense scholarship, that your Committee is confident will remain a respected work of reference for many years to come. But Peter warns: ‘this volume has a very small print run so, if you are one of the select few who would like to read it, order now before we sell out’.

Review by David Haunton in Merton Historical Society Bulletin 216 (December 2020)

MEDIEVAL MORDEN:THE MANORIAL ECONOMY

1280-1500

ii medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Published by

MERTON HISTORICAL SOCIETY

2020

© Peter Hopkins & Merton Historical Society 2020

www.mertonhistoricalsociety.org.uk

ISBN 978 1 903899 79 3

Printed by Aquatint

Units 3/4, Elm Grove Industrial Estate, Elm Grove,

Wimbledon, SW19 4HE

Front cover: Ploughing with oxen

based on a MS of Piers Plowman, from C Macfarlane and T Thomson

The Comprehensive History of England II (1876) p.516

overlaid onto SAL 4 – a rectory account roll for 1319/20,

© The Society of Antiquaries of London, reproduced by kind permission

Back cover: A reconstruction map of medieval Morden,

superimposed on an extract from a modern street map reproduced by courtesy of
Merton Design Unit, London Borough of Merton

iii

MEDIEVAL MORDEN:

THE MANORIAL ECONOMY

1280-1500

Peter Hopkins

MERTON HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PREFACE

It is now half a century since Canon Livermore drew attention to the archive of Westminster Abbey, and in particular
the manorial rolls, as a valuable source for research into Morden’s medieval past. He suggested that ‘An interesting
study might well be undertaken also in the system of cultivation and land tenure’.1 Although Barbara Harvey has
completed such an undertaking for the abbey’s estates as a whole,2 the hoped-for academic study of the manor of
Morden has not been forthcoming. It is with some trepidation that the amateur local historian attempts such a task,
aware that predecessors have come under some criticism. A local example is Major Alfred Heales’s 1898 edition of The
Records of Merton Priory, published by friends during his final illness and with errors of translation and interpretation
unrevised.3 Some might feel that it is better not to publish at all rather than produce something unreliable, but then
a valuable archive might have remained in obscurity. C A F Meekings warns of Heales’s book, ‘No document in it
should be cited without recourse to the original’.4

In view of the fact that my O level in Latin was completed six decades ago, I am grateful to the owners of the
various manuscripts cited in this volume for permission to reproduce images of the original documents alongside
my translations, both in this book and on the website pages designed to accompany this study.5 I must also express
my thanks to those who have shared their expertise with me to minimise my errors. Maureen Roberts gave me the
confidence to start on the documents by offering to correct my first attempts at translating the account roll from the
Bodleian,6 the Extent of 1312,7 the c.1225 Custumal,8 and the early manorial court rolls at Westminster Abbey Muniment
Room.9 Shelagh Mitchell transcribed and translated two sample tax valuations,10 Dominic Alexander undertook the
initial transcription and translation of the extracts from the cartulary known as the Westminster Domesday and other
documents at the abbey, Shirley Corke kindly corrected the transcripts of the Westminster Domesday extracts,11 and
Simon Neale corrected and transformed the translations of the complex documents relating to the church and its
tithes. But the main work has been done by Dr Mark Page, who has made available his professional skills to check
and correct my translation of countless problem passages from the account rolls, court rolls and other documents.
While he has not seen every document, I hope that the sample he has checked has been sufficiently representative to
enable the identification and correction of most of my errors, but for those that remain I apologise profusely. I have
included Latin words and phrases within the text [in square brackets], rather than in a separate glossary, to assist in
interpretation. (Nouns are always given in the singular, and some abbreviations have not been extended).

I am also grateful to Dr Page for his frequent explanatory comments, many of which have been reproduced here.
Barbara Harvey, whose monumental study of the Westminster Abbey estates has already been mentioned, has also
contributed valuable insights into the meaning of the text, and I greatly appreciate her encouragement, help, advice and
support, not least in commenting on an earlier draft of this book. John Pile has so often found just the right article to
explain a confusing reference. I have also received much support from fellow members of Merton Historical Society,
especially Judith Goodman, the late Lionel Green, David Haunton, Keith Penny, John Pile, Tony Scott and Rosemary
Turner, who have seen this edition through to publication.

My thanks also to the archivists who have assisted me on my journey, both at personal visits and in providing copies of
the documents on microfilm, CD-ROM or paper, particularly Dr Richard Mortimer, former Keeper of the Muniments
at Westminster Abbey, and his colleagues, Adrian James of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and staff at Surrey
History Centre, the British Library, the Bodleian Library, Cambridge University Library and The National Archives,
as well as Merton Library & Heritage Service and the Inter-Library Loans Service for tracking down obscure articles
and out-of-print books.

Giles Pattinson (Surrey County Archaeological Unit) and Surrey Archaeological Society and John Wiley & Sons have
been gracious enough to let me reproduce the illustrations on pages 5 and 15, Merton Library & Heritage Service,
Surrey History Centre, and Surrey Record Society the plans on pages 12, 13 and 166, John Pile his drawings from the
1553 ‘plott’ on pages 27, 147 and 173, and the Revd Ray Skinner the photograph on page 160. I believe the other maps
and drawings reproduced to be out of copyright.

I decided to use charts and pictograms rather than tables, as they enabled me to understand better the often complex
information provided by the data. Although small quantities do not always register on certain charts, the main trends,
as well as exceptions, have been noted in the accompanying commentary. References to sources are given for each year,
should anyone wish to pursue any topic in greater depth. One clue in identifying pictograms is that male livestock
face right, females left.

This volume, intended as the first of three studies into various aspects of medieval life as revealed through the extant
records, examines the management of the range of resources available on this small estate belonging to the abbey, and
how this management was adapted to meet ever-changing circumstances. I have written it for my own information
and enjoyment, but I hope that it will be of interest to others wanting to discover more about medieval Morden.

Peter Hopkins – October 2020

CONTENTS:

Westminster Abbey’s estate at Morden ………………………………………………………………………………………….1

The manorial centre 1280-1358, its buildings and equipment …………………………………………………….5

The land and its crops 1280-1358 ……………………………………………………………………………………………….27

Livestock and their produce 1280-1358 ……………………………………………………………………………………..55

Human resources 1280-1358 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………87

The manor at farm 1359-1568 …………………………………………………………………………………………………..133

The church and its tithes 1301-c.1500 ………………………………………………………………………………………147

The wider economy …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….163

Crisis management …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….175

Balancing the books …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..191

Notes and references …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..203

Index …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..223

ILLUSTRATIONS:

Seal of the Abbot and Convent of Westminster………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..1

Reconstruction of a medieval moated manorial centre, South Park Farm, Grayswood, Surrey…………………………………………5

Internal arrangements of a medieval vertical water-mill (annotated)……………………………………………………………………………..15

Wheeled-plough with a mixed team of oxen and draught-horse (annotated)………………………………………………………………….18

A swing-plough and a swing-plough with mould-board (annotated)……………………………………………………………………………..19

A cart with three horses harnessed in tandem (annotated)……………………………………………………………………………………………..21

The fields of West Morden in 1553………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….27

Ploughing with oxen ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..55

Ploughing, sowing, harrowing and threshing………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….87

The agricultural year …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..111

A 15th-century husbandman and his wife……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………133

Morden parish church in 1553…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….147

The east window in St Lawrence church………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………160

A cart with three horses harnessed in tandem……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..163

Morden and Sparrowfeld in 1553…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………173

Images relating to the weather, the harvest, and disease among livestock and humans…………………………………………………175

Two medieval doodles…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………191

Another medieval doodle…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….203

Classical examples of items listed in the account rolls and inventories…………………………………………………………………………208

Decorative initial letters from Westminster Domesday………………………………………………………………………………………………..223

MAPS:

The manor of Morden………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………2

The area around Morden Hall: annotated extract from OS 25-inch map of 1864/5…………………………………………………………..6

Annotated detail from ‘A Plan of part of the River Wandel … survey’d 1750’…………………………………………………………………..12

‘Copy plan on Counterpart Lease 15th July 1859 … of Snuff Mill & Lands at Morden’…………………………………………………….12

Detail from ‘Copy, Plan in the possession of Hy Crawter of 5 Bedford Row May 1870’……………………………………………………13

Medieval Morden: annotated extract from 6-inch OS map of 1865…………………………………………………………………………………30

Morden and its environs……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….164

Morden Fee in Ewell c.1400 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………166

TABLES:

Inventories……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..24

The arable fields of the demesne……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..29

Percentage yields……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………34

Average gross yields per seed………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….35

Averages – bushels per acre ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………37

Total demesne acres sown and the changes in acreages sown………………………………………………………………………………………….37

Officials of Westminster Abbey mentioned in the Morden account rolls………………………………………………………………….88, 90

The estate managers at Morden………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………92

Ratio of livestock units per 100 acres of sown arable…………………………………………………………………………………………………….112

Rates of pay for threshing a quarter of corn by piecework ……………………………………………………………………………………………129

Summary of leases………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..135

Farmers, rent-collectors and beadles…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….136

Morden’s medieval rectors and vicars……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………148

Free tenements of Morden Fee, Ewell……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………167

The estate managers of Westminster Abbey manors……………………………………………………………………………………………………..169

Tax valuations………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………185

Royal purveyors named in Morden accounts………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..187

The accounting year 1280-1359……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………192

CHARTS:

Manorial buildings, expenses of building and repair work, and days craftsmen employed 1280-1358……………………………10

Income from and expenditure on the manorial mill 1280-1358 (in shillings)…………………………………………………………………16

Expenditure on plough equipment, including labour costs 1280-1358 (in shillings)………………………………………………………18

Expenditure on cart equipment, including labour costs 1280-1358 (in shillings)……………………………………………………………20

Expenditure on equipment, including repairs 1280-1358 (in shillings)………………………………………………………………………….22

Prices of materials and equipment 1280-1358 (in shillings)……………………………………………………………………………………………26

The three-year cycles of crop rotation 1324-1358 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….32

Irregular rotation of crops 1324-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….33

Crops sown and crops threshed or charged at the audit 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………..34

Purchases of seed 1280-1350 (in quarters)……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..35

Acres sown and yields per acre 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..36

How each quarter of wheat was accounted for 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………39

How each quarter of rye or mixstillio was accounted for 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………41

How each quarter of dredge was accounted for 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………….41

How each quarter of barley was accounted for 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………..43

How each quarter of malt was accounted for 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………..43

How each quarter of oats was accounted for 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………45

Percentages of acres sown with legumes against other crops 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………47

How each quarter of legumes was accounted for 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………..47

Corn prices 1280-1350 (the price of 1 quarter, in shillings)……………………………………………………………………………………………48

How each cask of cider was accounted for 1290-1334…………………………………………………………………………………………………….50

Garden fruits 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..50

Sales and purchases of straw, stubble and chaff 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………..51

Income from sale of grazing 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………52

Quarters of oats consumed by oxen and horses 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………….56

Horses in the Livestock accounts 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….58

Cattle in the Livestock accounts 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….62-3

The cheese-making season 1280-1308……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………64

The dairy – income and expenditure 1280-1352…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….66

Animal hides in the Morden accounts 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………….68

Sheep in the Livestock accounts 1280-1349……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………72

Sheep in the Livestock accounts 1349-1359……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………73

How each hurdle was accounted for 1301-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………..74

Sheep and lambs’ wool and skins in the annual accounts for Morden manor 1339-1358………………………………………………..75

Pigs in the Livestock accounts 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………76

Poultry in the Livestock accounts 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….80-1

Strays 1280-1541……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………82

Livestock prices 1280-1358 (in shillings)……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….84

Produce prices 1280-1358 (in pence)…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….86

Expenses of senior management 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..91

Permanent and seasonal staff 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..94

The weekly rates of pay of the main categories of staff 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………..96

How the annual wage bill was allocated among the different categories of staff 1280-1358…………………………………………….97

The number of weeks one quarter of maslin was to last 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………..98

How each quarter of maslin was accounted for 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………….99

Staff meals at Christmas, Easter and Harvest goose, and total numbers of staff 1280-1358…………………………………………..100

Daily rates of pay of various building workers at the manor and the church 1280-1358 (in pence)………………………………102

Net rents and customary dues, in cash and in kind, paid by tenants 1280-1358……………………………………………………………104

The frequency of manorial courts between 1280 and 1358, and the profits therefrom…………………………………………………..106

Labour services: Carting dung 1317-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………112

Labour services: Ploughing boonworks 1301-1330………………………………………………………………………………………………………114

How each ploughing service was accounted for 1317-1358………………………………………………………………………………………….114

How each manual work was accounted for 1317-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………116

Weeding by manual works and by piecework 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………..120

Expenses of mowing and haymaking by piecework, and manual works in haymaking 1280-1358………………………………..121

How the acres were reaped 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………123

Harvest expenses – expenditure in shillings and in kind 1280-1358…………………………………………………………………………….125

Harvest expenses: staff at table during harvest and weeks present 1280-1330……………………………………………………………….127

How each harvest work, boonwork and dry boonwork was accounted for 1318-1358………………………………………………….127

Threshing and winnowing: piecework expenses 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………….128

How each carrying service was accounted for 1317-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………….130

Potential income and expenditure 1388-1503………………………………………………………………………………………………………………140

Declared or calculated value of the manor, and value of cash and grain sent to Westminster Abbey 1388-1503……………143

Wages and prices 1388-1442………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..146

How each quarter of tithe corn was accounted for 1301-1358………………………………………………………………………………………154

Reconstruction of acres subject to tithe 1301-1358………………………………………………………………………………………………………154

Rectory income and expenditure 1301-1358 (in shillings)……………………………………………………………………………………………156

The expenses of collecting the tithe corn at harvest 1302-1359, staff employed and weeks employed in harvest…………..158

Expenditure on the chancel and rectory barn 1301-1412 and days craftsmen employed………………………………………………160

Rectory income and expenditure 1388-1412 (in shillings)……………………………………………………………………………………………162

Declared value of the rectory and cash sent to Westminster Abbey 1388-1412 (in shillings)………………………………………..162

Exchanges with Battersea manor, excluding sheep 1280-1358………………………………………………………………………………………168

Exchanges with other manors belonging to Westminster Abbey, excluding sheep 1280-1358………………………………….170-1

The quality of the harvest 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………176

The incidence of murrain 1280-1358……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………178

Heriots recorded in the manorial accounts and court rolls 1358-1458………………………………………………………………………….182

Goods taken or bought by royal purveyors 1301-1358…………………………………………………………………………………………………186

The cost of reaping a quarter of grain, and the price it sold for (10-year averages 1280s-1350s)……………………………………189

The cash account – income and expenditure 1280-1359………………………………………………………………………………………………198

Value of deliveries in cash and kind to Westminster Abbey or its manors 1280-1359 ………………………………………………….200

EXTRACTS FROM DOCUMENTS:

EXTRACTS FROM WESTMINSTER ABBEY MUNIMENTS (WAM) 27321: ACCOUNT ROLL (1346/47)

Cost of buildings…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….10

Cost of the mill………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………17

Multure of the mill…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………17

Cost of ploughs………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………18

Cost of carts……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………20

Petty necessities……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..22

Sum of acres sown………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….37

Wheat…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….38

Rye…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………40

Dredge……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………40

Barley…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….42

Oats……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….44

Beans, White peas, Black peas and vetches mixed…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..46

Corn bought…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..49

Carthorses, Draught horses, Colts, Oxen………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..56

Bulls, Cows, Steers, Heifers, Bullocks, Young heifers, Calves…………………………………………………………………………………………..60

Issues of the manor………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..66

Dead stock sold………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………69

White-tawed hides, Hides………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………69

Wethers, Ewes, Hoggets, Gimmers, Lambs……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..70

Wool, Sheepskins, Fold hurdles………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………74

Sows, Piglets, Young piglets……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………77

Geese, Ducks, Capons, Cocks and hens, Chickens, Eggs…………………………………………………………………………………………………78

Livestock sold…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………85

Livestock bought……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………85

Expenses of bailiff and visitors……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….91

Wages…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….96

Maslin for servants…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………98

Rent of assize………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..104

Quittances and defaults of rent……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..105

Profits of the Court……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….107

Sale of labour services…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..109

Dung-carrying services………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..113

Ploughing works…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..115

Manual works……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….117

Hoeing and Mowing…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….120

Harvest works, Harvest boonworks with lord’s food, Dry harvest boonworks……………………………………………………………….122

Harvest costs………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..124

Threshing corn……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..128

Carrying services………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….131

Foreign expenses………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….174

Title……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..193

Debit of the account……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..194

Sum total receipts ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..199

Sum of all expenses and deliveries and the balance……………………………………………………………………………………………………….199

Arrears…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………200

Cash deliveries……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..200

Cost of the mill…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….14

Inventory……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..25

Malt……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..42

Corn sold……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..49

Cheeses, Butter, Eggs…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….65

Cost of the fold…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….70

Issues of the manor………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………86

Cash deliveries……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………132

Wheat…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………134

‘Onus’ of John Gildon beadle………………………………………………………………………………………………………………137

Account for 1396/97……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….142-3

Cost of buildings 1409/10…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..144

Sale of corn (rectory)………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….157

Cost of harvest (rectory)…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….159

Cost of buildings and Chancel repairs…………………………………………………………………………………………………161

Cocks and hens, Chickens…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..179

Tenements in the lord’s hand 1349………………………………………………………………………………………………………180

Accumulated arrears…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..190

Auditors’ instructions regarding Labour services………………………………………………………………………………..194

Auditors’ instructions regarding Labour services 1317/18…………………………………………………………………..194

Auditors’ instructions regarding Labour services 1320/21…………………………………………………………………..194

Rectory account roll for 1319/20……………………………………………………………………………………………..front cover

Stock leased to William Pratt 1503……………………………………………………………………………………………………..134

Annexed indenture of stock leased to William Pratt……………………………………………………………………………134

The final lease…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………138-9

A 13th-century road diversion……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….8

Custumal c.1225: Concerning customary tenants: Hugh West…………………………………………………………….110

Letter of John de Pontissara appropriating the church of Morden to Westminster Abbey……………………150

Ordinance of the vicarage 1331…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..152

Acquittance for second moiety of year’s tenth to Edward II, 1317……………………………………………………….184

Acquittance for second moiety of year’s tenth to Pope John XXII, 1330………………………………………………184

The States of the Manors roll for December 1312……………………………………………………………………………196-7

Extract from Ordinance of the vicarage 1442/43 [= WAM 1853]………………………………………………………..153

A 16th-century transcript of court record of 1393/4 regarding Sparrowfeld………………………………………..172

Arable land…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..28

Meadow and pasture…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….52

Customary tenants: William Attechirche…………………………………………………………………………………………….108

Summary of value of labour services…………………………………………………………………………………………………..110

Duties of Geoffrey le Sweyne………………………………………………………………………………………………………………118

Works without a cash value…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………119

Totals of harvest works, great boonworks and dry boonworks…………………………………………………………….124

Free tenants: Robert fitz Neel………………………………………………………………………………………………………………126

Rent increments: Thomas the miller, Robert le Webbe………………………………………………………………………..126

EXTRACTS FROM OTHER ACCOUNT ROLLS

WAM 27304

WAM 27320

WAM 27289

WAM 27322

WAM 27295

WAM 27333

WAM 27289

WAM 27285

WAM 27363

WAM 27354

WAM 27349

WAM 27369

WAM 27328

WAM 27328

WAM 27338

WAM 27312

WAM 27322

WAM 27378

WAM 27287

SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON MS 555 (SAL):

SAL 2

SAL 6

SAL 4

EXTRACTS FROM OTHER DOCUMENTS

REGISTERS AT WESTMINSTER ABBEY MUNIMENT ROOM (WAM):

1 ff. 141b-142

1 ff. 141b-142

2 f. 212

WESTMINSTER DOMESDAY – WAM Book 11 (WD):

ff. 169b-170

OTHER DOCUMENTS AT WESTMINSTER ABBEY MUNIMENT ROOM:

WAM 9287

WAM 1863

WAM 1851

WAM 1882

WAM 29491

WAM 9298

DOCUMENTS AT SURREY HISTORY CENTRE (SHC):

SHC K85/3/29

SHC K85/3/31

THE EXTENT OF 1312: CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Kk 5.29 (CUL):

ff. 39v-40r

f. 40r

f. 41v

f. 43v

f. 41r

f. 43v

f. 43v

ff. 40r-40v

f. 42v

NOTE ON WEIGHTS AND MEASURES

Imperial measures are used in the original documents, and have been retained throughout this study:

1 acre (a) = 4 roods (r) = 160 [square] perches (p) = 4840 square yards = 0.4047 hectares

1 perch = 16.5 feet (ft) = 5.03 metres

1 pound (£) = 20 shillings (s) = 240 pence (d)

1 hundredweight (cwt) = 4 quarters = 8 stone = 112 pounds (lb) = 50.8 kilograms

1 quarter = 8 bushels = 32 pecks = 64 gallons = 291 litres

The Julian Calendar was used in England until 1752, the year beginning on 25 March. Dates between 1 January and 24 March are
here shown as eg 1325/6. The accounting year usually commenced around Michaelmas (29 September) and is shown as e.g. 1325/26.

1

WESTMINSTER ABBEY’S

ESTATE AT MORDEN

Seal of the Abbot and Convent of Westminster

from WAM 1853, an agreement of 1443 regarding the vicarage of Morden

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

2 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

CARSHALTON

MITCHAM

A reconstruction map of medieval Morden, superimposed on an extract from a modern street map

reproduced courtesy of Merton Design Unit, London Borough of Merton

RAVENSBURY

Modern parish boundary

Manorial
Centre

KYNNERSLEY

SPITAL

(Merton
Priory)

SUTTON

The manor of Morden

Ancient parish boundary

Merton
Common

+

MERTON

The manor of Morden

A colour version of this map is
reproduced on the back cover

The manor of Morden

CHEAM

HOBALDS

(Merton Priory)

Sparrowfeld

MALDEN

westminster abbey’s estate at morden 3

The manor of Morden

Morden now forms part of the London Borough of Merton but until 1965 it was in Surrey (see map on page 164).
Its only claim to fame is as the southern terminus of London Underground’s Northern Line, though Morden station
is in fact just across the parish boundary in Merton. The opening of the Underground station in 1926 set in motion
a spate of building development that was to transform Morden from a small farming community to a dormitory
suburb of London, a transformation that was virtually complete by the outbreak of World War II in 1939.

Westminster Abbey had owned an estate in Morden (usually spelt Mordon) from before the Norman Conquest.
Domesday Book, the record of a survey commissioned by William the Conqueror in 1086, states:1

The abbey of Westminster itself holds Morden. TRE [In the time of King Edward] it was assessed at 12 hides;
now at 3 hides. There is land [blank]. In demesne are 3 ploughs; and 8 villans and 5 cottars with 4 ploughs. There
is 1 slave, and a mill rendering 40s. TRE it was worth £6; now £10, and yet it renders £15.

A hide was primarily a unit of assessment for tax purposes, but was considered to be the amount of land sufficient to
support a free family. A quarter of a hide was called a virgate, also essentially an assessment for tax and services, but
with a land equivalent. The customary virgate in Morden was 20 acres,2 but freehold virgates could vary from this.

The original charters do not survive, and documents purporting to be copies of early royal confirmations of the grant
are considered 12th-century forgeries. The 11th and 12th centuries saw the forging of many charters at Westminster
and elsewhere. Although some were deliberate fabrications intended to secure rights and privileges that were not
included in the originals, others were merely attempts to recreate originals damaged by fire, water or rodents.3

One such document claimed that in AD 969 King Edgar confirmed an earlier grant to the abbey of ‘liberties and
land’ including 10 hides at Morden.4 Edgar had apparently ‘given’ the church at Westminster to Dunstan bishop of
London in 959, with permission to establish a Benedictine monastery there,5 and another forged charter records
Dunstan’s endowment of the abbey that year with various estates, including 2 hides in Ewell6 which came to be
administered from Morden. Known as ‘Morden Fee’, it brought the Morden estate up to the 12 hides of Domesday.

It has been stated that the abbey obtained its Morden estate under the will of Prince Athelstan, eldest son of King
Ethelred, who predeceased his father in 1015.7 In his will he granted ‘to Christ and St Peter, at the place where I shall
be buried’ three estates, including ‘the estate at Morden which my father let to me’.8 However, this was Steeple Morden
in Cambridgeshire, and the church of St Peter was not that at Westminster, but the Old Minster at Winchester. Steeple
Morden was presumably the estate later exchanged by Bishop Henry de Blois for Bishops Sutton, in Hampshire,
belonging to his brother, King Stephen, which is also sometimes confused with our Morden.9

According to the Tithe Apportionment schedule of 1838 the ancient parish of Morden contained 1433 acres, of which
1343½ acres were subject to tithe, the 83¾-acre common, the churchyard and part of the glebe being tithe-free.10

Not all of the parish of Morden was in the manor of Morden. A compact block of land comprising 215½ acres in
Morden parish belonged to the lord of the manor of Ravensbury, who had further lands in the adjoining parish
of Mitcham. A 4-acre meadow (tithe plot 353) had been a copyhold of Ravensbury manor until the 16th century,
and a further 28 acres by Mitcham bridge (plots 294-305) had also been a Ravensbury copyhold. The first specific
statement that the estate that became Ravensbury manor had lands ‘in Mitcham and Morden’ was in 1260, but the
evidence suggests that the Morden lands were those held in 1066 by Lang or Lank in ‘Witford’ or ‘Wicford’.11

A virgate-holding in Morden had come into the hands of the lords of the neighbouring manor of Kynnersley
in Carshalton, for which the abbey paid 4 shillings a year between 1283 and 1450.12 This arrangement probably
originated in grants of c.1195/1215 and c.1217/21, but it is not known if, or when, the land had been alienated from
the abbey’s manor.13

Two other estates in Morden came into the possession of neighbouring Merton Priory. The 150-acre Spital estate
lay south-west of Ravensbury and east of Green Lane. ‘Le Spitellondegrove’ is mentioned in the Morden manorial
account roll for 1302/03,14 but other documents give the impression that Merton Priory had an interest in land in
this area around the end of the 12th century.15 Part of the Hobalds estate, on the site of the present North East Surrey
Crematorium, was given to Merton Priory between 1225 and 1246, on the understanding that the priory would pay
rent to Westminster Abbey, but no such payments are recorded in manorial accounts, which survive from 1280.16

Westminster Abbey’s lands were divided between the demesne land, worked on behalf of the abbey, and tenant land,
held by tenants in return for rents and services. Barbara Harvey remarks of the Morden demesne, ‘In 1086, Morden,
in Surrey, and Kelvedon, in Essex, were certainly at farm, for each rendered to the monks a sum (or perhaps the
equivalent in kind) in excess of its Domesday value’.17 However, by the time of the first extant account roll in 1280
the demesne land was worked by staff appointed by and responsible to the abbey for the proceeds of the estate. This
situation continued until 1359, when the demesne was again leased ‘at farm’ to tenants, for a fixed period of years
at a fixed rent, the final lease being surrendered to the abbey’s successors in 1568 (see pages 133-146).18

The manorial records

It is fortunate that many of the medieval manorial records are still in existence, mostly in the Muniment Room at
Westminster Abbey, though some documents have found their way into other archives. Apart from the forged charters
mentioned above, there are several genuine charters relating to properties granted to or by the abbey, some still bearing
the seals of the parties involved. Many charters and other agreements were copied into the abbey’s cartularies. The
cartulary known as the Westminster Domesday has copies of documents relating to Morden, including a series relating
to the appropriation of the parish church (see pages 150-2). As some of the original documents have been damaged
by damp, and others have been lost, the cartularies are of great value to the researcher. An entry from the Westminster
Domesday is reproduced on page 8.

A Custumal of c.1225 lists both free and customary tenants of the abbey’s manors, including Morden, and records
the rents, in cash and in kind, and the customary services that each owed (see extract on page 110).19 In 1312 a more
detailed survey was undertaken in the form of a valuation or Extent, now in Cambridge University Library.20 As well
as recording the tenants and their dues, the various parcels of demesne land were listed, and a value assigned to them.
The labour services were likewise given a monetary value, ‘over and above deductions’ [ultra reprisas] for the allowances
of food and drink provided at the expense of the abbey, as lord of the manor, for those undertaking certain services
(see extracts on pages 28, 52, 108, 110, 118-9, 124, 126).

The abbey’s Registers or Lease-Books, starting in 1485, contain copies of three leases of the demesne at Morden
(see pages 134, 138-9, 145).21 Unfortunately the earlier leases, originating in 1359, have not survived. In addition the
Registers include information on the appointment of clergy to the parish.22 Earlier documents relating to clergy also
exist.23 There are several tax receipts, for both royal and ecclesiastical taxations, which include valuations of the manor
and the parish church (see page 184). There are also copies of sheriffs’ writs relating to crimes against the abbey’s
tenants during the reign of Richard II,24 and other documents dealing with disputes over lands and tenements, and
over common rights in Sparrowfeld Common (see page 172).25

A number of manorial court rolls survive, though many are missing. Those covering the period 1296-1300 and for
1327-8 are in the Muniment Room at Westminster Abbey,26 while the British Library has those for 1378-1422, 1435-58,
1461-1503, 1507-9, 1512-29 and 1534-43.27 Extracts and copies of entries from 16th-century court rolls can be found
at the British Library and Lambeth Archives and at Surrey History Centre,28 which also has a few documents relating
to freehold properties in Morden,29 as well as 16th-century copies of documents in the Westminster Abbey Muniment
Room.30 The Latin is simplified from its classical form, and has many abbreviations.

However, the main source of information on the manorial economy is the sequence of manorial account rolls that
begins in 1280. Though there are many gaps – no accounts survive for the period 1359-1387 or from 1412-1440, and
only a dozen thereafter – over 100 can be consulted at the Muniment Room, a dozen at the Society of Antiquaries of
London, and one at the Bodleian Library in Oxford. Years for which accounts are extant are indicated by references
on the charts. These rolls account for income and expenditure in cash and in stock, the latter usually occupying the
dorse of the membrane. A sample account roll, that for 1346/47, has been reproduced in full in a series of extracts in
this study, though grouped by the topic covered and not in the original sequence outlined here:31

INCOME: Arrears, Rents, Livestock sold, Dead stock sold, Sale of labour services, Issues of the manor, Profits of the
Court, Debit of the account, Sum total receipts

EXPENSES: Quittances and defaults of rent, Cost of ploughs, Cost of carts, Cost of buildings, Cost of the mill, Petty
necessities, Threshing corn, Corn bought, Livestock bought, Hoeing and mowing, Cost of harvest, Wages, Foreign
expenses, Expenses of bailiff and visitors, Cash deliveries, Sum of all expenses and deliveries, Balance

ISSUES OF THE GRANGE: Wheat, Rye, Beans, White peas, Black peas and vetches mixed, Barley, Dredge, Oats,
Multure of the mill, Maslin for servants

LIVESTOCK ACCOUNT: Carthorses, Draught horses, Colts, Oxen, Bulls, Cows, Steers, Heifers, Bullocks, Young
heifers, Calves, Wethers, Ewes, Hoggets, Gimmers, Lambs, Sows, Piglets, Young piglets, Geese, Ducks, Capons, Cocks
and hens, Chickens, Eggs, White-tawed hides, Hides, Wool, Sheepskins, Fold hurdles

WORKS ACCOUNT: Ploughing works, Dung-carrying services, Carrying services, Manual works, Harvest works,
Harvest boonworks with lord’s food, Dry harvest boonworks, Sum of acres.

The next four chapters will explore resource management during the years that the demesne was under direct
management of the abbey, looking at: the manorial centre, its buildings and equipment; the land and its crops; livestock
and their produce; and human resources. The following chapters examine the manor ‘at farm’, the church and its tithes,
the wider economy and crisis management. The final chapter looks at the accounting and auditing process, before
considering questions of profitability and efficiency.

Further studies in this series will explore other aspects of life in medieval Morden as revealed through these sources.

5

THE MANORIAL CENTRE

1280-1358,

ITS BUILDINGS AND
EQUIPMENT

Reconstruction of a medieval moated manorial centre

South Park Farm, Grayswood, Surrey

reproduced from SyAC 87 (2000), by courtesy of Giles Pattison (Surrey County Archaeological
Unit) and Surrey Archaeological Society

6 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Annotated extract from Ordnance Survey 25-inch map of 1864/5

showing the area around Morden Hall (50% reduction)

?moated
site?

MERTON

The Croft

Parish Boundary

Snuff
Mills

MITCHAM

River Wandle

MORDEN

(site of
Growtes)

RAVENSBURY

Duckett’s
Farm

(site

of

Spital
Farm)

the manorial centre 1280-1358 7

The Abbot’s Court

The 1312 Extent or valuation of Westminster Abbey’s estate at Morden places the ‘Abbot’s Court’ next to a ‘croft’
of riverside meadow, presumably by the Wandle, mentioning a capital messuage and cattle sheds.1 The most likely
location for this manorial centre is the site of the present Morden Hall which, still enclosed by its water channels,
may represent a medieval moated site.2 ‘Meadow grounds called the Croft adjoining on the east of the River Wandle’
totalling 1 acre 3 roods 34 perches are mentioned in leases of 1812 and 1859 and are shown on the accompanying
plans to have adjoined Morden Hall (see maps on facing page and page 12).3

Manorial courts would have been held here (see page 107), while domestic buildings provided accommodation for
officials from Westminster Abbey who regularly visited the manor (see pages 88-91). Until 1358 the manor was
run by appointees of the abbey – either a reeve selected from the customary tenants of the manor or a ‘serviens’
who normally came from outside the manor (see page 93).4 The reeve presumably had his own tenement in the
village, but the serviens may have lived at the Court. There was also a ‘permanent’ staff, which included ploughmen,
carters, and a dairy worker, and often a shepherd and a cowman (see page 95). These household servants received
a cash wage and a food allowance for the period they were employed – often, but not always, the full year – and it
is possible that some at least may have lived-in, though it would have been unusual to do so at this period.

From 1358 the abbey leased the demesne land out to a succession of farmers, who took over responsibility for
running the estate, paying a set annual rent or ‘farm’, and taking whatever profit might accrue (see page 133-146). The
demesne farm of the manor of Morden became known as Monkon or Mounkton Farm or manor, and the farmhouse
was still called by this name in 1598, though the spelling varies from document to document.5 This farmhouse with
its ‘barns, stables, dovehowse, maltehowses and other buildings, gardens and orchards’ was probably the successor
to the buildings that had comprised the Abbot’s Court, and sources indicate that it was in the vicinity of Morden
Hall, near the boundary with Merton. In 1588 Richard Garth, who had bought the manor in March 1553/4,6 leased
‘Muncketon farm howse’ to John Everest7 together with four acres of meadow and a ten-acre close in Morden and
147 acres in Merton that had once been part of Merton Priory’s Merton Grange until bought by Garth in 1564,8 and
that later became Morden Hall Farm – the farmhouse on the western side of Morden Road was a later development.

Westminster Abbey had lost its estate at Morden in January 1539/40 at the Dissolution of the monasteries, and the
lease was then held of the Crown.9 Because this manorial centre was still leased to farmers when the Crown sold the
manor,10 the buyers, Whitchurche and Duckett, had to make alternative arrangements for living accommodation.
Whitchurche occupied a ‘new buylded mansion house’ on the site of a former copyhold tenement called Growtes
(later replaced by Morden Lodge),6 while Duckett was admitted to a copyhold property in Central Road, Morden,
belonging to the manor of Ravensbury,11 which was still known as Duckett’s Farm in the 19th century,12 and later
became known as The Willows. Duckett’s Farm was acquired by the Garth family in the early 17th century.13

Richard Garth I had bought Growtes along with the manor in 1553/4,6 and in 1567 it formed part of the marriage
settlement of his second wife, Jane or Joan, to whom in 1597/98 he left ‘use and occupation’ for life of his household
goods ‘in my house called Growtes’.14 However, his eldest son and heir, Robert, seems to have occupied Growtes in
1594, during his father’s lifetime,15 and in the two leases of Muncketon Farm house and nearby lands, dated 1588
and 1598, Richard Garth reserved to his own use ‘all the new Parlor behynde the hall and the Chamber on the same,
with free ingress, egress and regress unto the same when and as often as need shall require’.16 As a London lawyer
he would have spent much of his time in London, and he certainly spent his Christmases at his house in Chancery
Lane, as one of his leases records an agreement to supply a ‘bore’ or boar to that house each year a week before
Christmas.7 He was variously described as ‘of London’ and ‘of Morden’ in different leases of 1588.17

The Morden Hall site was probably occupied by the lords of the manor in the 17th century, as Growtes seems still
to have been a dower house when sold in 1682.18 However, in 1716 Peter and Stephen Mauvillain were granted a
21-year lease of various Garth lands in the vicinity of Morden Hall together with a ‘Capital Messuage or Mansion
House with all barns, stables, buildings, etc’. They were given ‘use, liberty, priviledge and benefitt of cutting and
digging trenches, ditches and drains … in, by or through the said premises for the carrying on of the trade, profession,
occupation or business of staining, dyeing, washing and printing of calicoes or such other stuffes …’ but were required
to ‘maintain … the Great Garden belonging’.19 Stephen’s son, Peter Mauvillain II, still held this lease in 1745.20 The
Mansion House, rented for £40 according to a Garth rent book of 1728,21 could not have been Growtes, as that had
already been bought by Peter Mauvillain I in 1726, and it remained in his family until 1753.22

It seems likely that the Morden Hall site had been in continuous occupation from medieval times, first as the site
of the Abbot’s Court, then, as Monkton Farm, occupied by successive lessees. During the 17th century it may well
have been occupied by the Garth lords of the manor, their widows perhaps occupying the neighbouring Tudor
mansion, Growtes. The Great Garden was probably created at this time. Ultimately the ‘Mansion House’, probably
past its best, was leased with its surrounding lands for industrial purposes for some 40 years until, in anticipation
of the marriage of Richard Garth V in 1754, the present Morden Hall was built.

Extract from Westminster Abbey Muniments Book 11, the cartulary known as The Westminster
Domesday, ff.169b -170, reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Merton Priory’s copy is British Library Cotton MS Cleopatra C. vii folio cxj. v

f.169b

f.170

A 13th-century road diversion

On 30 November 1225 an agreement was made between the abbot and convent of Westminster and two neighbouring
landowners, the prior and convent of Merton, in whom was vested lordship of the adjoining manor of Merton,
and Sir William de Mara, deputy sheriff of Surrey (1217-26)23 and lord of the manor that later became known as
Ravensbury, with lands in Morden and Mitcham. Merton Priory came to own two estates in Morden – Spital and
Hobalds – and it is possible that the Spital estate may have already been in its possession by this date.24

The agreement, which survives in two copies,25 concerned the re-routing of a road that had passed through the
abbey’s ‘court of Morden and the pathway going across their meadow’. In its place it was agreed that there should
be a new ‘common way for all riders and pedestrians and for carts direct from the corner of their court of Morden
north and west to the south corner of their tenement in the same vill, next to the house of William son of Sweyn, on
the west side’. This new road was probably that now known as Morden Hall Road, which runs south from the north-
west corner of Morden Hall’s ‘moated’ enclosure to the junction with the ancient road now called Central Road, the
18th-century Morden Road, and the 20th-century St Helier Avenue. Was ‘the house of William son of Sweyn’ on
the west side of the road or of the abbey’s tenement, or was it the road that was on the west side of William’s house?
Later evidence suggests that William’s house was within the curtilage of the present Morden Lodge, alongside the
copyhold that became Growtes.26

The court in question clearly belonged to the abbey and not, as local historian Evelyn Jowett presumed, to William
de Mara.27 De Mara had been in possession of his Mitcham estate since the end of the 12th century,28 but the first
indication that this estate included lands in Morden was in 1260 when Matthew de la Mare was provisionally granted
freewarren in all his demesne lands here.29 Known by 1391 as ‘Ravenesbury’,30 now simplified to ‘Ravensbury’, its
earliest-known name appears to have been ‘Ersbourye’ (1313),31 or ‘Arsbury’ (1319/20),32 the variants ‘Rasebery’
and ‘Ravesbury’ being first attested in 1347 and 1472 respectively in fines associated with Mitcham and Morden.33
The frequently quoted reference to William de Mara as ‘lord of Ravesbury’ in 1250 is based on a late 14th/early15th-
century marginal comment to Merton Priory’s copy of this agreement of 1225, and should be ignored.34

The reason for the re-routing of the road is not given, but it is tempting to see here preparations being made for
moating the court, to provide both greater security and better drainage. It might be significant that around 1225 the
abbey’s demesne had recently changed from being leased to a ‘farmer’ to direct management by the abbey, under a
local reeve. Was the added security of a moat considered necessary for a manorial centre that was no longer occupied
by a full-time estate manager? Perhaps the moat can be identified in the entry under ‘Necessities’ in the manorial
account roll for 1282/83: ‘in scouring the ditch around the court of Morden 12d’.35

Charter of Merton concerning a common way

Let all know that this is the covenant made between the lords R the abbot and the convent of
Westminster on the one part and E the prior of Merton and the convent of the same place, and the
lord W de Mara on the other, on the day of the blessed apostle Andrew in the tenth year of the
reign of King Henry son of King John, namely that the said abbot and convent of Westminster
have granted to E the prior and convent of Merton and the lord W de Mara and his heirs in
perpetuity, a common way for all riders and pedestrians and for carts direct from the corner
of their court of Morden north and west to the south corner of their tenement in the same vill,
next to the house of William son of Sweyn, on the west side, extending just as straight and best
as possible, behind their court of Morden, going across their meadow that is there to the least
harm, not only to the said abbot and convent of Westminster, but also to the prior and convent
of Merton and W de Mara and his heirs, having in its breadth twelve feet, if the said abbot and
convent, on both sides, wish it to be ditched, or if indeed they do not wish it to be ditched, by
breadth of ten feet. Thus for this covenant and concession, the said prior and convent of Merton
and W de Mara have resigned and quitclaimed to the abbot and convent of Westminster the
road that they required from them going across their court of Morden and the pathway going
across their meadow. Yet the said prior and convent of Merton and W de Mara, by reason of the
same way and path that is required of them, henceforth are able to require from them another
way. And in witness whereof, to one part of this writing that shall reside with the prior and
convent of Merton and W de Mara, has been affixed the seal of the convent of Westminster.
To the other part that with the abbot and convent of Westminster shall reside, has been affixed
the seals of the convent of Merton and of W de Mara. Witnesses to this covenant are Gilbert
de Edinton, Master Phillip de Hammes, Master William de Cheiham, John de Bedington, John
de Gatesdene, Geoffrey de Mora, Roger de Northbroc, Alexander de Wicford, Ypolitus servant
of sheriff Geoffrey Motier.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of buildings

In 1 roofer with his mate hired for 12 days in the month of January for repairs over the hall and
2 barns 3s, taking per day for himself and his mate 3d. In 5 boards bought for 1 door on the
cattle-shed 4d. In 1 pair hooks and hinges with nails bought for the said door 3d. In 200 laths
bought 5d. In carpentry in the said cattle-shed 14d.

Sum 5s 2d.

The manorial buildings, the expenses of building and repair work, and the

number of days that roofers and carpenters were employed each year

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

expenses in shillings

buildings

days worked

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

The manorial buildings

The manorial buildings, most of which would have been within the ‘court’ [curia], were all timber-framed, and
needed frequent repair. The ‘Cost of buildings’ [Custus domorum] accounts detail work in repairing roofs, often
only ‘in places’ [per loca]. The laths [lata or lattha] across the rafters [cheveronus] often needed replacing, as did
the thatch [coopertura], held in place by withies [virga], and finished with ridge-pieces [cresta].36 Timbers needed
replacing, especially ground-sills [grunsella],37 which rotted through contact with the ground, but also posts [posta],
stanchions [stantiscia],38 braces [bras],39 boards [borda],40 and lintels [lyntele or overchip].41 Walls were mostly of lath
and plaster, though sometimes boarded. Doors made of boards also needed regular repair. There are several entries
either here or in the ‘Petty necessities’ [Minutæ necessarie] accounts for the supply of metal door fittings, such as
hooks [gunfus] and hinges [vertivellum],42 hasps [haspa] and staples [stapule],43 locks [cerura] and keys [clavis].44

Timber was reused whenever possible, a building from the rectory being reused in 1310/11 as a porch [porchia],45
and the timbers of the old mill in 1313/14 for ground-sills.46

Sometimes a sum is given for roofing ‘various buildings’ or the ‘buildings in the courtyard’ [domos curia],47 but
individual buildings are often named, though different terms may be used for the same building.

Walls48 and entrances are mentioned: the great gate [magna porta] of the manor, ‘of bars’ [ribbis], and the garden
gate [porta gardinium],49 the wicket gate to the hall door [hacce ad [h]ostium aula], of boards,50 and the porch.51

The main domestic building was the hall [aula],52 used for the manorial court (see page 107) and for staff meals.
Smoke from the open fire drifted out through the louver [lodium].53 The ‘high-bench’ [altum scamnum] end was
panelled [schellend] in 1345/46, as was the chamber over the hall [camera super aulam],54 one of three upper rooms
mentioned, though they may all refer to the same room: the lord’s chamber [camera domino],55 and the solar [solarium]
with a window [fenestra] at the south end,56 and which required a ‘curved post’ [curvo poste] in 1353/54.57 Such
chambers were presumably occupied by visiting officials from the abbey, rather than by manorial staff (see pages
88-91). A locked cellar or store-room [selarium/cellarium]58 would have been on the ground floor as a ground-sill
was being replaced. References to a sewer [cloaca]59 and a latrine [latrina]60 may relate to domestic use, but the latter
is mentioned with the barn – the only cost recorded was for laths for the walls.

The dairy [daieria] may not have been freestanding as no roof repairs are recorded, only ‘spike-nails’ [spykking] for
the door [hostio].61 It was probably the same as the cheese-house [domus casei], which was being paved [paviand] in
1335/36, the woodwork repaired [recarpentarand] and plastered [plaustrand].62 Two barns are regularly mentioned:
the great barn [magna grangia] and the small barn [parva grangia]. The latter may have been (partly?) 2-storeyed,
as it required work on the stanchions and ceilings [sellos] in 1312/13, when its two ends [capita] needed covering
with laths [lattant].63 Probably the great barn was used for storing unthreshed grain, while the small barn served
as the granary [granaria], where oak boards were used for repairing and making the ceiling in 1344-46.64 Another
store-house was the hay-house [domus feni], which is mentioned alongside the two barns in 1353/54.65 A workhouse
[werkhouse or domus operare] is mentioned in 1348-58.66

Various shelters for livestock are mentioned, and again different terms may refer to the same building: the byre
[bovaria],67 the cattle-shed [domus boviculum]68 and the cow-shed [domus vaccarum],69 as well as a stable [stabulum],70
a hen-house [domus gallinaria],71 and the sheep-house [bercaria]. The latter was undergoing major construction in
1352/53, when the account mentions 27 rafters being roofed over, requiring 2,200 laths, 7,000 lath-nails [lathenaylum]
and 200 stud-nails [stantisnayl]72 – in comparison a mere 300 laths were required for repairing the cow-shed in
1345/46, and 1000 for a byre in 1327/28.73 The pound [le punfold]74 for stray and distrained livestock was probably
not within the courtyard. A new cart-house [domus carectarum elsewhere called a cartehous]75 and stable were built
in 1303/04.76

Wages of roofers and carpenters, and the number of days they were employed, are also recorded (see pages 10, 102).
Plastering [dauband] was often done by the manorial staff [famulus].77 For prices of building materials see page 26.

-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
-30.00-29.00-28.00-27.00-26.00-25.00-24.00-23.00-22.00-21.00-20.00-19.00-18.00-17.00-16.00-15.00-14.00-13.00-12.00-11.00-10.00-9.00-8.00-7.00-6.00-5.00-4.00-3.00-2.00-1.000.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.0026.0027.0028.0029.0030.0031.0032.0033.0034.0035.0036.0037.0038.0039.0040.0041.001280-811282-831284-851286-871288-891290-911292-931294-951296-971298-991300-011302-031304-051306-071308-091310-111312-131314-151316-171318-191320-211322-231324-251326-271328-291330-311332-331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-57VARIOUSGt GATEHALLENTRANCESOLARCHAMBERCELLARSEWERWORKHOUSEBARNSCART_HOUSECOWSHEDDAIRYHAY HSESTABLEHEN HSESHEEP-HOUSEPINFOLDdaysroofdayscarpROOFERROOFINGCARPENTER&
WOODWORKNAILSDOORFITPLASTERSHEEPRACKS
EXPENSES

(in shillings):

BUILDINGS:

DAYS WORKED:

roofers’ wages

timber & woodwork

plastering

various buildings

doorways

cellar

barn

dairy/cheese-house

hen-house

days worked by:

roofing materials

nails

sheep-racks

great gate

solar

sewer/latrine

cart-house

hay-house

sheep-house

roofers

carpenters’ wages

door fittings

hall

chambers

work-house

cattle-shed/byre

stable

pound

carpenters

The
Croft

osiers in old mill pond?

Annotated detail from ‘A Plan of part of the River Wandel

in the Parish of Morden and County of Surrey survey’d 1750’

reproduced by courtesy of Merton Library and Heritage Service

‘Copy plan on Counterpart Lease dated 15th July 1859 from the Revd Rd Garth to Messrs Alexr Hatfeild

& Gilliat Hatfeild of Snuff Mill & Lands at Morden, Surrey’ – SHC K85/2/353

copyright of Surrey History Centre, reproduced by permission

The site of the mill

Morden had a mill in 1086, its annual income valued at 40 shillings, and a mill is regularly mentioned in manorial
accounts between 1282 and 1358. There is a 30-year gap in local records from 1359, when the manor was leased at
farm (see page 133-146), but the abbey’s central accounts record a grant of 40s towards the cost of timber purchased
for the mill in 1359-61.78 No mention is made of a mill in later manorial accounts, no presentments were made
at manorial courts for refusals to use a manorial mill, and the Valor Ecclesiasticus of 1535 omits the tithes of the
mill (see page 153), so it is likely that it had fallen into disuse.79 When the manor was sold in 1553/4 it included all
‘mesuages toftes cotages Graunges mylles houses edifices’ etc, but this may just have been a standard list.80

None of the extant records give any indication of the mill’s location, though it is likely to have made use of the River
Wandle, as neither the Pyl nor the East Pyl brooks would have had a sufficient flow to drive a mill. There are frequent
references to the millpond, the first as early as c.1225,81 a couple of references to a weir [warryng or weer’],82 and
many references to leats, watercourses and sluices.83 Such water-control systems were expensive to create and were
not lightly abandoned, and they would have remained noticeable landscape features for a long period.

In later centuries three mill sites are recorded in Morden, two of which still have extant mill buildings. Ravensbury
mill, with mill buildings on both the Morden and Mitcham banks of the Wandle and first recorded as ‘new erected’
in the 1680s, was in the manor of Ravensbury, so would not have been the manorial mill of Morden.84 The second
mill site, within the present National Trust’s Watermeads, was also held of the manor of Ravensbury. Thus the third
mill site in Morden, occupied by the former snuff mills at Morden Hall close to the manorial centre (see map on
page 6), is the most likely for Westminster Abbey’s medieval mill. The earliest recorded reference to a mill here
is from 1750, when permission was granted to build a second mill,85 and both are shown on a ‘Plan of part of the
River Wandel’ of 1750, the ‘new mill’ being on the east bank of the mill-stream (see annotated detail at top of facing
page).86 The mid 18th-century walls of the western mill were uncovered in 2012, partly under and partly south of
the existing early 19th-century building, and built over an east-west ditch or channel radiocarbon dated from the
Saxo-Norman period up to the 12th or 13th century, possibly associated with an earlier mill building.87

It is clear that there had been a mill on this site long before the 18th century, as the plan shows that what appears
to be the millpond was partially overgrown with osiers in 1750. The course of the Wandle upstream from the mills
is complex, with three channels flowing around and between two ‘islands’, but to the north of the islands the wide
channel must surely have served as a millpond, in spite of the small island in the north-east.

The snuff mills are not on the natural course of the Wandle, but are served by a leat which cuts across an area of
land known throughout the 19th century as The Croft, a piece of grassland bounded by the meandering course of
the ‘Old River’ (see plan at foot of facing page).88 This croft adjoins the site of the manorial centre at Morden Hall,
and it is likely that it was the same piece of land described in the 1312 Extent as ‘the Croft next to the Court’.89
There is no mention of the mill in the Extent, but it had been described as ‘broken’ [fractum] in 1310/11 and it was
completely rebuilt in 1312/13 (see overleaf). A carpenter spent 4 weeks ‘making anew the outlets and removing the
whole mill’, which suggests that the new mill was built on the same site as its predecessor. In 1310/11 126 cartloads
of ‘earth’ [terra] were taken ‘from the mill as far as Neuburicroft
for manuring the land’, and 2 days were spent in 1312/13 cleaning
the millpond, while manor oxen were carting clay ‘at the mill’ in
the spring of 1313.90 The Croft next to the Court is not mentioned
in other medieval records, though other parcels of meadow and
pasture listed in the Extent are named regularly (see page 53). 91
Was the meadow here only viable this year because the mill was
out of action, as constant traffic ruined the grass when the mill
was functioning?

A copy of a plan of c.1830 marks a ‘Tumbling Bay’ just upstream
from ‘Polhills Snuff Mills’, and this is also mentioned in the report
of the perambulation of the parish boundary undertaken by
parishioners of Mitcham in 1833.92 There are a couple of references
in the manorial accounts to le Bay of the mill, which Langdon
interprets as ‘a narrowing of the millpond as it approached the
mill’, though he admits ‘it may possibly have been a dam or weir
at the head of the pond’.93 Latham defines baia as ‘bay of pond,
mill-dam’.94 Could it in fact refer to this tumbling bay?95

Section of a ‘Copy, Plan in the possession of Hy Crawter of 5 Bedford Row The part of the Old Back Water Course marked thus X Yshows where the Back or Boundary Ditch merged in theNew Cut, thereby leaving the Old Course empty and now coveredwith Flags or Rushes, the Bed of it remaining as formerly.
Detail from SHC K85/4/171: ‘Copy, Plan in the possession of Hy Crawter of 5 Bedford Row May 1870’,
copyright of Surrey History Centre, reproduced by permission.

The original would have dated from the 1830s when William Bloxham was in occupation of land here.

Extract from WAM 27304, the account roll for Michaelmas 1312 to Michaelmas 1313

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of the mill

In wages of 1 carpenter making 1 new watermill for 13 weeks, 34s 8d, taking per week 2s 8d, by the
hand of the reeve of Aldenham. In wages of 1 carpenter for the same for 8 weeks, 16s. In wages of
the same for the same for 3 weeks, 5s. In wages of 1 carpenter for the same for 9 weeks, 15s taking
per week * 20d. In wages of 1 carpenter for the same for 3 weeks, 5s. In wages of 2 sawyers sawing
timber for the same for 17 days, 12s 9d, taking per day 9d. In expenses of 75 men with their 45 carts
carting the same mill from Aldenham as far as Chelsea for 2 days: in bread baked 6 bushels wheat;
in bread bought 3s 4d; in ale bought 9s; in fish bought the first day 3s; in cheese bought 5d; in meat
bought the other day 7s 6d; in cheese bought 5d; in candles bought for 2 nights 4d. In carrying the
said mill beyond the water at Chelsea 16d. In carting the aforesaid mill from Battersea as far as
Morden by piece-work 15s, 1 quarter oats by agreement. In wages of 2 carpenters making the said
mill house and putting up the same mill for 3 weeks 15s 6d. In wages of 1 carpenter for making
anew the outlets and removing the whole mill for 4 weeks, 7s 8d, taking per week 2s minus in total
4d. In wages of 8 sawyers hired for 3 weeks and 2 sawyers for 2 weeks sawing timber for the same
mill, 56s, each taking per week 2s. In 1 tree-trunk bought for boards at the bay of the mill 6s 8d. In
1 oak bought for boards for the waterwall 3s. In 1 oak bought for boards for the hurst of the mill 3s.
In timber bought for the shovels and starts of the mill 2s 6d. In 400 large nails bought for the mill
bay 5s 4d. In 1 pair cogs and rungs bought 8d. In 1 pair trundle-wheels bought 12d. In 1 waterwheel
made by piece-work 2s 6d. In 1 millstone bought 60s. In ‘God’s penny’ 1d. In ‘drink-money’ 4d. In
wharfage 1½d. In pontage 2d. In carrying the same by water 18d. In lifting the same into a boat and
carting from London as far as Morden 2s 6d. In piercing the same and placing it in the boat the mill 2s.
In steel bought for repairing mill-bills with fitting the same 13d. In sharpening bills for 3 terms 3d.
In repairing and lengthening the mill-spindle 12d. In 1 new piece of brass bought for the mill 7s. In
1000 laths bought for the mill house 2s. In 1500 lathnails bought 13½d, and the rest of old nails. In
250 studnails bought 7½d. In plastering the wall of the same house by piece-work 3s. In roofing the
same by piece-work 4s, 1 bushel wheat by agreement. In wages of 1 rammer ramming the bed of
the mill for 3 days weeks 4s 6d, and the rest by labour-service of the vill. In expenses of 14 customary
tenants of the vill cleaning the mill pond by custom for 2 days 3s 6d. In 1 iron band bought for binding
the head of the water wheel 8d.

Sum £16 8s 0½d. 7s 9d

* an illegible word has been crossed through at this point

The new mill

In 1312/13 over £16 was spent on a new mill (see facing page), the old one having been out of action for at least 2
years.96 This did not include timber, as the structure was prepared at the abbey’s manor of Aldenham in Hertfordshire.97
It was not just raw timber that was delivered in 45 cartloads to Chelsea, ferried across the Thames to Battersea, and
carted to Morden. Sawyers and carpenters at Aldenham worked for 3 months or more preparing the timbers, ready
for 2 carpenters to assemble at Morden in 3 weeks, prior to lathing and plastering. Structural work was apparently
complete by 3 December 1312, when the ‘States of the Manors’ roll budgeted for 16s 4d ‘in completing the mill as in
carpentry and plastering walls’ (see page 197).98 Meanwhile a carpenter had taken 4 weeks dismantling the old mill and
renewing water channels [les outletes]. Ten sawyers worked on 3 tree trunks for the ‘hurst’ – the frame or platform
on which the millstones rested – and the boards for reinforcing the edges of the bay [le Bay] (see page 13) – and
for the water-wall [waterwow] that lined the mill-race.99 Oak [quercus] was used, but elm [ulmus] was also suitable
for underwater construction.100 A rammer [rammatorius] spent 3 weeks, assisted by customary tenants, ramming
the bed [lectus] of the mill, ‘presumably horizontal beams used as a baseplate for the [water-]wall’.101 Cleaning the
millpond took 14 customary tenants 2 days (see page 119). The waterwheel was fitted with new paddles. A new
millstone was bought in London, transported to Morden by boat and then by cart, pierced [perforand] to fit over a
newly lengthened iron spindle, and put in place. New gearing was purchased and fitted, as illustrated below.

hopper

rind [le inke or le ryne]102

millstones [petra molaris]103

loucher (box around stones)

(?herstbords104 or houstehides105?)

hurst [huist]106

spindle [fusillus]107

trundle wheels [trendella], iron-bound108

? ‘le Box of spindle’ bound

with ‘great iron ligature’109

rungs (sold in gangs of 6) [runga]110

foot brass or plates111

bridge-tree [brigetrou]112

shaft or axle [axis], iron-bound113

head of axle [caput axis]114

head beam [caput trabe molendini]115

cogs (sold in gangs) [cogga] 116

cogwheel [le cogwhel]117

(made up of curved wooden felloes, braces

and spokes, and bound with iron)118

featherboards [fiterbords]119

ladles [les ladeles]120

shovels [les schfeles, soulis]121

starts [stertes] (short radial timbers
connecting above to waterwheel)122

Waterwheel

[rota aquatica]123

gudgeon [goian]124

& hoop [circulus]125

ring [anelo]126

or band [benda]127

pillow brass

[pulweres]128

head of waterwheel

[caput rota aquatica]129

water-walls

[waterwow]130

bed [lectus]131

The flow of water was regulated by sluice gates.132 The accounts mention sluices [exclusa],133 water-gates [porta
aquatica],134 flood-gates [le floddzat/flodgate],135 shuttles [le shutteles],136 as well as ‘le Elyng for the mill sluice’.137
(Elyng might be linked to ‘eyling – an aisle, lean-to or bay’).138 A ‘mill-wharf’ [wharf] is recorded in 1356/57.139

In 1294/95 ’42 featherboards’ and ’29 boards’ had been ‘bought for covering the outer wheel’,140 probably for new
paddles. In 1302/03 ‘1963 feet of board’ were sawn from a single elm trunk, producing 71 boards, each averaging
27ft 8in, of which 11 were used ‘over the mill-wheel’, 11 in the bed [lectus] and le Thilunggh and 9 for repairing
the walls of the mill.141 Next year 10 were used in the bed and le Thilinggh, and 4 for the ladles of the wheel, with 8
featherboards.142 Was Le Thilunggh143 just a contraction of ‘the elyng’ or was it linked to thill, meaning shaft? Was
the ‘Box’ of the spindle [le Box fusil molend],144 bound with ‘a great iron ligature’ [magna ligatura ferrea], the trundle
wheels, the ‘loucher’ around the millstones, or just a container into which the flour fell? Were herstbords145 the sides
of the ‘loucher’? Were they the same as the 2 houstehides, bought ‘with 2 ground-sills and props [nedele]’?146 And
what was the Farnf’ of the mill, for the ‘making and ramming’ of which 4 men were hired for 3 days?147

INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS OF A
MEDIEVAL VERTICAL WATER-MILL

(drawing from Richard Holt The Mills of
Medieval England (1988) page 118, with
additional labels, reproduced by courtesy
of John Wiley & Sons, publisher)

-90.000-88.000-86.000-84.000-82.000-80.000-78.000-76.000-74.000-72.000-70.000-68.000-66.000-64.000-62.000-60.000-58.000-56.000-54.000-52.000-50.000-48.000-46.000-44.000-42.000-40.000-38.000-36.000-34.000-32.000-30.000-28.000-26.000-24.000-22.000-20.000-18.000-16.000-14.000-12.000-10.000-8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@-90.000-88.000-86.000-84.000-82.000-80.000-78.000-76.000-74.000-72.000-70.000-68.000-66.000-64.000-62.000-60.000-58.000-56.000-54.000-52.000-50.000-48.000-46.000-44.000-42.000-40.000-38.000-36.000-34.000-32.000-30.000-28.000-26.000-24.000-22.000-20.000-18.000-16.000-14.000-12.000-10.000-8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@-90.000-88.000-86.000-84.000-82.000-80.000-78.000-76.000-74.000-72.000-70.000-68.000-66.000-64.000-62.000-60.000-58.000-56.000-54.000-52.000-50.000-48.000-46.000-44.000-42.000-40.000-38.000-36.000-34.000-32.000-30.000-28.000-26.000-24.000-22.000-20.000-18.000-16.000-14.000-12.000-10.000-8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@-90.000-88.000-86.000-84.000-82.000-80.000-78.000-76.000-74.000-72.000-70.000-68.000-66.000-64.000-62.000-60.000-58.000-56.000-54.000-52.000-50.000-48.000-46.000-44.000-42.000-40.000-38.000-36.000-34.000-32.000-30.000-28.000-26.000-24.000-22.000-20.000-18.000-16.000-14.000-12.000-10.000-8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
-90.000-88.000-86.000-84.000-82.000-80.000-78.000-76.000-74.000-72.000-70.000-68.000-66.000-64.000-62.000-60.000-58.000-56.000-54.000-52.000-50.000-48.000-46.000-44.000-42.000-40.000-38.000-36.000-34.000-32.000-30.000-28.000-26.000-24.000-22.000-20.000-18.000-16.000-14.000-12.000-10.000-8.000-6.000-4.000-2.0000.0002.0004.0006.0008.00010.00012.00014.00016.00018.00020.00022.00024.00026.00028.00030.00032.00034.00036.00038.00040.00042.00044.00046.00048.00050.00052.00054.00056.00058.00060.00062.00064.00066.00068.00070.00072.00074.00076.00078.00080.00082.00084.00086.00088.00090.00092.00094.00096.00098.000100.000102.000104.000106.000108.000110.000112.000114.000116.000118.000120.000122..000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
.000342.000344.000346.000348.000350.0001280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59water-controlmillwheelshaftgearsspindlebrigetronstonesbillsoddscashmulture@maltrecycledbuilding
Income from and expenditure on the manorial mill

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

219s 11d spent on building work

327s 9d spent on mill altogether

110

108

106

104

102

100

98

96

94

92

90

88

86

84

82

80

78

76

74

72

70

68

66

64

62

60

58

56

54

52

50

48

46

44

42

40

38

36

34

32

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

18

20

22

24

26

28

30

32

34

36

38

40

42

44

46

48

50

52

54

56

58

60

62

64

66

68

70

72

74

76

78

80

82

84

86

88

90

expenditure

carpenters

sawyers

roofers

rammers

piecework

timbers

metalwork

transport

millstone

other items

THE NEW MILL Breakdown of costs in 1312/13

%costs of new millcarpenterssawyersroofersrammerscasualtimber&
metaltransportstoneother
expenses in shillings

value of income in shillings

‘want of millstone’

‘inadequate millstone’

‘mill broken’

‘want of millstone’

4 month account only

‘no profit after Christmas’

‘mill stands idle’

‘idle – want of millstone’

‘mill idle’ (not reeve’s fault)

331334-351336-371338-391340-411342-431344-451346-471348-491350-511352-531354-551356-571358-59c/fwdto WAsold at auditsoldmaltWA manorspurveyorsmanor expensessownoats for seedbarley for seedpurchasedotherincrementcharged at auditthreshedb/fd
income

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

EXPENDITURE:

water-control

spindle

INCOME:

cash for farm

waterwheel

bridgetree

value of multure

shaft

millstone

value of malt

gears

mill-bills

sale of old millstone

building work

other items

Expenses of the mill

Millstones were the most expensive items, especially when transport and preparation costs are included, as charted
opposite, and it was unusual for both stones to be replaced together – an upper [desuper] millstone is specified in
1332/33.148 The most regular expenditure was on replacement cogs and rungs for the gearwheels – the cogwheel
and the trundle wheels – and on the steel-tipped mill-bills used for cleaning the grooves of the millstone, which
needed frequent re-steeling and sharpening. The iron spindle wore away under the weight of the upper millstone,
and often needed lengthening. The metal bearings for the spindle and shaft, and the iron bands around the shaft,
gearwheels and waterwheel needed replacing, as did wooden items such as the paddles of the waterwheel, the
boards and timbers that lined the pond and the mill-race, and the timbers, boards and laths of the mill building.

Even so there were periods when the mill was out of action.149 In the autumn and winter of 1345/46 the mill ‘stood idle
for want of a millstone because no carts were able to travel because of the great flood at that time’ until St Valentine’s
day.150 Millstones were obtained from Kingston, London, Wandsworth and Hampstead.151 Other costs related to the
mill-rind,152 baskets [corbellus],153 and chests [cista],154 especially the toll-chest [tolhep, cista tolnetum] where the
multure [multura] – that portion of the corn retained by the proprietor of the mill – was kept under lock and key.155

The mill was ‘at farm’ – leased to tenant millers – for the whole period covered by the extant accounts, but only from
1351/52 was the ‘farm’ paid in cash.156 Before that date the payment was in kind, the multure received forming part
of the maslin [mixtura] supplied to manor staff [famulus] (see page 99). In the chart on the facing page the value
of this payment in kind has been calculated at 3s 4d a quarter, the sum most commonly used when shortfalls of
maslin were ‘sold at the audit’ (see page 195).

In most years the value of the income from the farm of the mill exceeded expenditure on the mill, but sometimes
considerable sums were required, as in the rebuilding in 1312/13 (the expenses of which extend far beyond the top
of the chart) and the work on the water control systems in 1342/43.157

Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of the mill

In laying/fitting 2 mill-bills with steel bought for the same and in sharpening the said bills for the
year 6d. In 1 set of rungs bought 6d. In cogs bought for the same 3d. In repairs for the flood-gate
and for positioning boards for ramming in the same 6d. In 1 basket of withies bought 2d. In 1
iron ring bought for mill beam 6d. In iron bought with work for the mill-spindle 8d. In 1 board
of elm bought for the flood-gate 2d. In 3 iron bands bought for the cogwheel 6d.

Sum 3s 9d.

Multure of the mill

The same answers for 13 quarters multure received for the farm of the mill for the year.

Sum 13 quarters.

And all accounted in maslin for servants’ livery.

And none remains.

collar swingle-tree or

whipple-tree

wheels

traces

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of ploughs

Also in cash paid to the smith for making ironwork for 2 ploughs at his own expense, forging
and providing [the iron] by fixed agreement* for the year 14s. In 2 plough-feet bought 6d. In 1
new ploughshare bought 10d. In 2 new ploughs made from the lord’s timber 8d. In [shoeing] 2
draught horses upon front feet before harvest 4d.

Sum 16s 4d.

* ie at a price fixed beforehand, not necessarily reflecting the real cost [Dr M Page February 2006]

Expenditure on plough equipment, including labour costs (in shillings)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

012345678910111213141516171819202122231280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59ploughsframeswheelsfeetsharesmetalyokeshaltersshoeing
23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

expenditure in shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

complete ploughs

plough-feet

yokes

frames & repairs

ploughshares

hair halters

wheels

iron & steel & fittings

shoeing costs

Wheeled plough with a mixed team of oxen and draught horse

based on ‘A Shepherd’s Calendar: October’ in the British Library

adapted from N J Hone The Manor and Manorial Records (1906, 1912) p.79

Ploughs

There were usually 4 full-time ploughmen on the Morden demesne, working in pairs. The plough-holder [tentor]
guided the plough, and the plough-driver [fugator] guided the animals pulling the plough (see page 95). However,
the extant inventories reveal that there might have been as many as 9 ploughs [carruca] in stock, though not all
were fully equipped (see pages 24-5).

Frequent references in the ‘Cost of ploughs’ [custus carucarum] section of the manorial accounts to wheels [rota]158
(until 1312/13) and plough-feet [ferrum pedale or plata pedalis carruca]159 (for the whole period) reveal the existence
of both wheeled ploughs and foot ploughs on the Morden demesne. Wheeled ploughs could be adjusted to plough
at any given depth, but ‘in wet weather the wheels on these ploughs tended to clog up and become inoperable’.160 It
would seem that wheeled ploughs had been used in the summer, and foot ploughs in the winter.161 A plough-foot
was ‘an adjustable piece of wood or iron, one end of which was inserted in the plough-beam before the coulter
while the other end rested on the ground. As the foot slid along it kept the plough-beam at a constant height above
the soil and assisted the plough-holder in maintaining the share tip at a constant depth.’162 A third type of plough
was the swing plough, where only the expertise of the ploughman regulated the depth of ploughing, but there is no
simple way to detect its existence, as it required neither wheels nor a plough-foot.

The ploughs were probably of the heavy mould-board type rather than the light scratch plough or ard, the mould-
board serving to lift up and turn over the soil.163 There are only five specific references to ‘fitting a mould-board’
[vestiand] to a plough,164 though there are several general entries for purchases of ‘timber for the ploughs’.165

There are many references to new ploughs being bought,166 but plough frames were often made and fitted [corporand]
on the manor, using ‘the lord’s timber’ or purchased timber.167 The frame consisted of the plough-beam [trabe], the
share-beam [chippa], the handles [handeles] and the sheath [shothe] – the bar connecting the plough-beam and
the share-beam.168 Other associated purchases were reests [restes] – wooden bars linking share-beams and handles
(perhaps the same as rithos in 1353/54)169 – and straddles [stradeles] or straddle-clouts [stradelclout’] – iron plates
protecting the ends of the axle.170

The ploughs had two iron blades – the coulter [cultura], only mentioned in the inventories not in the accounts (unless
the repair of a broken cula’ refers to a coulter rather than a crupper-strap)171 – and the ploughshare [vomer]172 with
its shareclouts [sharcloutes].173 The coulter was fixed in front of the share. ‘It makes a vertical cut in the soil, which
is then sliced horizontally by the share’.174 A substantial sum was regularly spent on buying, forging and fitting iron
and steel for ploughs175 and this probably included coulters, as well as the protective plates and bindings, unless
specifically mentioned.176

Ploughs were normally pulled by teams of oxen (see pages 57, 61), and there are occasional references to the cost of
making or buying yokes [jugum].177 But the costs of shoeing ‘draught horses on their front feet, pulling the second
cart raised before harvest in aid for carrying the lord’s corn’ is a regular entry under ‘Plough costs’,178 and it is possible
that draught horses were sometimes included in the plough-team (see page 57). The 1323 inventory includes ‘3
harnesses’ [harnagium] immediately after the entries for ploughs, coulters and plough-shares, perhaps equivalent to
the 4 hair halters [capistrum de pilo] made in 1303-4 and the 3 hair halters purchased in 1305 and recorded under
‘Cost of ploughs’.179 However, the draught horses also pulled the harrows. There are no entries for horse-collars or
traces in ‘Cost of ploughs’ accounts, only in the ‘Cost of carts’ [custus carrecte] sections (see overleaf), and swingle-
trees or whipple-trees [paronus] are not mentioned anywhere in the accounts or inventories.

tentor fugator handles plough-beam

yoke

sheath

ploughshare coulter reest mould-board attached to

share-beam

A swing plough

based on a MS of Piers Plowman

from C Macfarlane and T Thomson The Comprehensive
History of England II (1876) p.516

A swing plough with mould-board

based on an illustration in the Luttrell Psalter
c.1340 (BL Add MS 42130, f.170)

Entries grouped under the heading ‘cart-frames & repairs’ include frames, shafts, rails, stakes and ‘withies bought
for making tubs [copts] for carting marl’.221 ‘Axles & axletrees’ includes labour costs in making and fitting, as well as
the cost of materials. ‘Wheels’ includes the purchase of new wheels and labour and materials in repairing wheels.
‘Saddles & collars’ and their pads are grouped together here as they often appear as a single entry in the accounts.
‘Harness & ropes’ includes harness, halters, girths, reins, traces and ropes of all kinds. ‘Ironwork’ excludes horseshoes
and nails, which appear, with the farrier’s wages, under ‘shoeing carthorses’.

For prices of individual items see page 26.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of carts

Also in 16 clouts with nails bought 16d. In grease bought 6d.5d In 2 pairs wheels bought 3s
10d.8d In 2 pairs frets bought for the same 2d. In 3 axles bought for the same and fitted 9d.
In making 1 hemp rope for carts of 10 fathoms, 1 pair traces, 1 cart-rein, 1 rein for 1 halter
from 10lb hemp 5d, viz per lb ½d. In making 1 hair rope and 3 halters from 5lb their own hair
2½d. In 2 hurters* bought 2d. In 1 pair of saddle-pads bought for cart-saddles 4d. In shoeing 2
carthorses for the year 16d.

Sum 8s 9½d.

* ie shoulders of axle

Expenditure on cart equipment, including labour costs (in shillings)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

expenditure in shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

complete carts

wheels & repairs

harness & ropes

cart-frames & repairs

ironwork and fitting

grease

axles & axletrees

saddles & collars

shoeing carthorses

Carts

The manor employed a full-time carter, with another sometimes employed part-time for carting marl (see page 95).
Inventories reveal that there were usually 2 or 3 carts, including a dung-cart [caretta ad fimos] sometimes called a
tumbrel [tumberellus] or dung-pot [dongpot], probably a small tip-cart.180

Carts [caretta] were of simple construction, with a timber framework. Perhaps the 32 stakes [palus], ‘bought for
carts in preparation for harvest’ for 3d in 1310/11, were for enclosing the sides.181 A carpenter was paid 15d for
making a new cart in 1356/57, presumably using manorial timber.182 A complete cart was bought in 1312/13 for
4s and another in 1321/22 for 13s 4d,183 but otherwise we only have purchases of a cart-frame [corpore] with its
equipment [apparatus] in 1288 for 2s, in 1341/42 for a mere 9d, and in 1353/54 for 3s including the cart-rail [scala],
a ladder-like extension suspended from the end of the cart.184 A timber ‘base’ [funde] was bought for a dung-cart
in 1351/52 for 5d,185 and a pair of shafts [limo] in 1290/91 also for 5d.186 A 10-fathom [toise] (60-foot) rope was
bought in 1357/58 ‘for binding’ [ligand] the cart, and several 11-fathom (66-foot) hemp ropes were purchased over
the years, as well as two of 20 fathoms (120 feet) and others of unspecified length ‘for carts’.187

The cart-frame rested on the axletree [axtre], a wooden crossbar that narrowed down at each end to form the axle
on which the wheels revolved.188 The shoulders of the axle were protected with iron plates or hurters [hortours],189
and other iron plates or clouts [clutum] were attached to the axletree and to other parts of the cart to prevent wear.190
Several clouts and clout-nails had to be purchased each year.191 Linchpins [lyns or linca] were inserted in the end
of the axle, to prevent the wheels from slipping off.192

Carts were two-wheeled, and wheels were frequent purchases.193 They were made of wood and could be left bare
[nudum]194 but were often bound with iron [rota ferrata or ferro ligatarum],195 either with iron hoops or tyres
[wyndynbendes]196 or with iron strakes [strakus] held in place by iron clamps [gropa] and nails [clavum].197 The outer
curved section of a wheel was made up of two or more felloes [felea] fitted onto the spokes [spoka] that radiated
from the hub [modius].198 The hub was bound with a wooden band [ligamen] or an iron hoop [fretta].199

The development of the padded horse-collar – ‘collar with a pair of pads’ [colara cum uno par bassum]200 – and harness
enabled horses to be used for general draught work previously done by oxen (see page 57). Harness [harnagium]
might be made of white-tawed hide [corium album]201 or horsehair [de pilo]202 from the manor or purchased. Halters
[capistrum], of hair and hemp [de pilo et de canabo]203 or of hide, were fitted with bits [keveseles], chains [catena/
cathena], rings [anulus],204 and reins [reynes or forlyne] (see extract on facing page).205 Girths [cingulum]206 were
probably made of hide. In 1349/50 a penny was spent on ‘packthread [pakyerd] for repairing harness’.207

The traces [tractum] that enabled two or more horses to be harnessed in tandem (see illustration below) were made
of hemp rope and needed regular replacement.208 Horsehair ropes [corda de pilo]209 were also used for tethering
[ligand] horses, some fitted with rings [turellus], and ‘two chains with two locks for the same’ [cathena cum serrora]
are mentioned immediately after the horsehair tethers in an inventory of 1296.210 Two ropes for binding horses
were bought in 1292 together with 2 schineles or schiveles for 5½d.211 (Could these be summer shoes [(e)stivella]?)

While some terms could refer to cart- or horse-saddles – a collar and saddle and 2 pairs of pads [colar et sella et ij
paribus bassa],212 a saddle with saddle-pads [sella cum bassa],213 a saddle and saddle-pad [sella cum bargia],214 or a
saddle-pad [panellus]215 – others specify use on a cart – a cart-saddle [sella carettaria],216 a cart-saddle with pads
[cella carettaria cum bassa],217 a saddle-frame [ligno] with saddle-pads [bassa] bought for a cart-saddle [ad sellam
carettariam],218 or a pair of pads for the cart-saddle [1 par de bassa pro cella carrettaria].219 A cart-saddle was not
the carter’s seat but a small saddle placed on the back of a carthorse to support the shafts.220

Other regular expenses were for grease [unctum] for greasing the axle and the cost of shoeing [ferrand] the carthorses.

cart-frame

cart-rail

axle

protected by

hurter

hub

bound with hoop linchpin shaft

or band felloe and spoke strake held in place by clamp and nails

cart-saddle padded collar

harness

pair of traces rein

girth

halter bit

A cart with three horses harnessed in tandem

based on an illustration in the Luttrell Psalter c.1340 (BL Add MS 42130, f.162)

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Petty necessities

Also in 2½ bushels of salt bought 12½d. In 2 quarters 3 bushels oatmeal 9½d. In food and
oblations for servants on Christmas and Easter days 2s 4d. In 7 hurdles of withies bought for the
fold 14d. In scouring 1 ditch around Neweburigardin 4d. In scouring 40 perches of ditch in the
marsh witnessed by bailiff after the View* 20d, for each perch ½d. In tithe of 3 lambs of issue 1½d. In
castrating piglets and young piglets 3d. In hay bought 4s 10d, 3s 6d of which 16d after the View.
In straw bought for sustenance of animals 16s 11d,15s 5d of which 16d after the View. In 2 colts
wintered in the park of Coombe 12d. In 1 colt pastured there in the summer 8d. In 1 seed-basket
of withies bought 2d. In expenses of 22 men with 11 ploughs for boonwork at the wheat season
2s 9d. In expenses of 12 men with 6 ploughs for boonwork at the Lenten sowing 18d. because not
witnessed In planting vegetables and leeks bought for the yard 3d. In tarpitch and grease for greasing
sheep 2d. In shearing and washing 13 sheep 1¼d. In 1 basket of withies bought for casting the
corn at winnowing 5d. In 1 sack bought 5d.

Sum 32s 2¾d.

* The View was presumably the mid-year View of the Account – c.f. WAM 27296 (see page 193)

Expenditure on equipment, including repairs (in shillings)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

expenditure in shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Equipment

The ‘Petty necessities’ [Minute necessarie] accounts list various minor expenses covering staff expenses (see pages
101, 115), casual labour (see page 132), the purchase of essentials such as salt [sal] and, until 1308, rennet [coagula]
for the dairy,222 and the purchase and repair of the following items of equipment.

Winnowing equipment included winnowing forks [ventilabrum],223 a winnowing fan [ventorium] costing 4s 6d,
made of oak boards [de bordis quercibus], (perhaps the same as the implement described as a wyndwighed lignum
or wyndewe),224 a winnowing cloth [WyndWygshet],225 several fans or baskets [vanna],226 one described in 1346/47
as a ‘basket of withies for casting the corn at winnowing’,227 and a ‘basket for bringing corn to the winnowing’228 (see
page 129). Sieves [cribrum] and riddles [ridellus]229 were frequent purchases, used for sorting grains after winnowing.

Forks included dung-forks [furca ad fimos],230 pitch-forks [furca ad garbam],231 forks for corn [furca ad bladum]232
and a fork with 3 iron teeth.233 Some references are to fitting new iron to old forks.

Spades [bescha]234 were fitted with iron edges which needed frequent replacement or repair. Of special design was
the vanga, which had a wooden cross bar above the blade to support the foot, enabling one to dig deeper.235 In
classical Latin tribula were threshing sledges fitted with iron teeth and drawn by draught animals, but the word
was later used for shovels or flails.236

Other tools included steel hoes [houwe],237 garden saws [serra],238 ladders [scala],239 axes [securis],240 and wheelbarrows
[civera rotabilis], one requiring binding in 1294/95 and another a replacement wheel in 1344/45.241

Harrows [hercia]242 were generally rectangular in shape, the triangular harrow illustrated on page 87 not being
found in England before the end of the 16th century, though popular on the continent. They were made of parallel
wooden beams fitted with iron teeth, and joined by wooden cross-pieces.243

Many sacks [sacca] were purchased.244 Presumably some were for grain sent to the abbey.

Baskets might be for corn [corbellus ad bladum],245 for keeping oatmeal in [corbellus pro farina avena custodiens],246
or for seed [corbellus ad semen],247 such as a seedlip made of withies [semilion de virgis].248

Dairy equipment included linen cloth [pannus or linee tele ],249 or cheesecloths [cheseclothes],250 usually of 1 ell
[ulna] (45 inches), as well as cheese-vats [chesevat],251 cheese-presses [pressura],252 churns [cherna],253 and buckets
[bockettus].254

A range of pots and pans are mentioned. There were small bowls [boletta],255 clay pans [patella luteis],256 pots
[olla]257 usually described as clay pots [olla luteis], and basins [pelvis].258 Up to 12 dishes [discis]259 were purchased
at a time, as well as one described as a great dish [magna disca]260 and others as ‘dishes for harvest’.261 Other items
bought in quantities of 4 or 6 at a time were plates [platella],262 and saucers [salsarium] (for sauces not for cups).263
An unidentified vessel was an occliar’, perhaps from occulo – to cover.264 Utensils not described as ‘clay’ may have
been made of wood.

Metal vessels included a brass pan [patella enea],265 and a brass pot [olla enea] containing 3 gallons.266 In 1329/30
there is an entry for ‘payment in recompense for 2 brass pots exchanged [mutuatis] for 1 new pot containing 5½
gallons 4s 0¼d’.267 Another required ‘stopping up and making 3 cross-bars upon 1 brass pot’ [In iij percus’ super 1
olla enea obstupand et faciend]268 and others needed repair, 269 while one was bound with iron in 1341/42.270 Other
metal vessels were the ewer [lavatoris] and basin [pelvis] repaired in 1303/04, a ewer ‘exchanged with an old ewer’
for 10d in 1306/07,271 and an iron-bound tankard [tankard] for getting water, purchased in 1349/50.272

Brewing equipment – a 32-gallon lead vessel [plumbum] with tripod was purchased in 1295/96. A ‘lead brewing
vessel’ [plumbum ad pandoxand] was listed as worn-out in the inventories of 1307 and 1311. It may be the item
mentioned in 1322/23 for which the retiring serviens was charged 20d as he had not passed it to his successor.273
A cider-press [pressoria] came from the abbey’s manor of Aldenham in Hertfordshire in 1290/91.274 Apples were
purchased and 16d was spent ‘in repairing 10 casks or jars [doleum] for cider’.275 Other entries relate to the purchase,
binding and repair of barrels [barrillus]276 and tubs [cuva]277 and suchlike. A 3-gallon barrel was bought for verjuice
[viridis succus].278 A pipe [pipos]279 for cider was repaired, as were casks [tina] for the dairy.280

A bushel measure made of withies was purchased in 1332/33 for carrying corn in the mill, and others are listed in
inventories.281

Oddments include a ‘tripod for a candle’ [tripes ad candelam]282 and other tripods/trivets,283 a pig-trough [alveus],284
and canvas tablecloths [mappa de canevacium], 5 ells of canvas being bought at 10d in 1294/95.285 These and other
items are also listed in the inventories overleaf.

winnowing equipment

tools

dairy equipment

brewing equipment

sieves & riddles

harrows

pots & pans

barrels & tubs

forks

sacks

brass vessels

measures

spades & shovels

baskets

ewers & basins

oddments

INVENTORY: WAM 27294 WAM 27295 WAM 27300 SAL 1 SAL 9/11 WAM 27320

Date of inventory: 30/09/1296 30/09/1303 30/09/1307 29/09/1311 07/07/1323 25/12/1345

plough caruca 7 (3 complete) 9 (2 complete) 6 (2 complete) 6 (3 complete) 5 (2 complete) 4

coulter culter – –
– – 1 3

ploughshare vomer – 1 – – 1 3 broken

plough-harness harnesium – – – – 3 –

iron-bound cart carretta ferrata 2 1 – 1 1 –

untyred cart carretta nuda – – – – 1 1

dung cart carretta ad fimos 1 – 1 1 – 1

iron-bound wheel rota ferrata – – 2 broken – – –

hemp rope corda de canabo – 3 wornout 2 for carts 1 wornout 2 1 (11 fathoms)

hair rope corda de pilo 3 with rings [turellus] – 2 1 for horses – 1

chain & lock cathena cum serrura 2 – – – – –

horse-collar colara – – 2 2 wornout 3 3

pair traces tractum – – 1 2 2 1

cart-saddle & pad sella cum bassum – – 1 1 2 –

halter capistrum – – – – – 2

fork for corn furca ad bladum 3 (iron) 2 2 wornout – – –

dung fork furca ad fimos 2 (iron) 2 1 2 – 2

fork for the cart furca pro carretta – – – 1 1 1

spade vanga – – – – 2 1

spade bescha 2 2 1 2 – –

shovel/flail tribula 2 (iron) 2 1 iron-bound 2 1 2

wheelbarrow civera rotabilis – 1 1 – 1 –

bushel measure busellus 1 1 1 wooden 1 wooden 1 iron-bound 1 linen

half-bushel measure dimidius busellus 1 1 – – – –

peck measure peccum 1 1 1 wooden 1 – 1 linen

sack sacca 8 2 3 2 – 2

carrying basket berlep – – – – – 1 wornout

seed basket corbellus ad semen – – 1 1 1 1

winnowing fan ventorium 1 1 1 1 wooden – –

winnowing fork ventilabrum – – – – – 2

fan/ flat basket vanna 2 1 1 1 1 1

winnow wyndewe – – – – 1 –

wooden winnow wyndwighed lygnum – – – – – 1

sieve cribrum 2 2 2 2 1 2 wornout

riddle riddellus 2 2 1 1 2 –

plane howel – – 1 1 – –

pickaxe picosia 1 1 – – – –

axe securis 1 1 1 1 1 –

table-board tabula mensalis 1 1 2 2 1 1

pair trestles trestallus 1 1 1 1 1 1

fixed table tabula dormiens – – – – – 1 wornout

chair cathedram – – – – – 1

bench forma/formula 1 1 1 – – –

reckoning-cloth scaccarium cum famulia – – 1& counters – – –

canvas cloth mappa de scanettato 1 – 1 wornout – – –

trough alveus 1 – – – 1 1 wornout

tub cuva 4 2 2 2 for corn 1 –

small tub parva tubba – – – – 1 –

cask tina 1 1 – – – –

barrel barrillus – 2 2 (1 broken) 1 for verjuice – –

barrel for verjuice barill de viride succum – – 1 – – –

cask/jar doleum – 1 1 – – –

pipe pipa – – – – 1 –

cider press pressour pro cisera – – – – – 1 no equipment

brass pot olla enea 2 6 2 2 3 1 (5 gallons)

brass pan patella enea 1 1 1 1 1 1 (2 gallons)

tripod tripes 1 1 – 1 1 1

ewer & basin lavatorium cum pelvis 1 1 1 1 1 1

mortar & pestle mortarium cum pestell 1 1 1 1 1 –

lead brewing vessel plumbum ad pandoxand 1 1 1 wornout 1 wornout – –

churn cherna – 1 1 1 1 –

bowl ciphus 2 2 2 2 – –

dish discus 12 10 10 10 8 6

plate platella 7 8 4 4 9 –

platter parapsis – – – – – 6

saucer (for sauces) salsarium 6 6 4 4 6 6

griddle craticula 1 1 1 1 broken 1 1 wornout

cheesemould formula 3 2 – – – –

bucket bokettus 2 – – – – –

table for cheeses tabula ad caseos 1 1 1 1 1 1

chest cista – – 3 2 (1 broken) 2 1

chest chestol – – – – – 1

tin/pewter saltcellar salerium de stango – – 1 1 – –

bolt bolte – – – – – 1

iron candlestick candelabrum – – – – – 1 wornout

cask for servants’ flour coplep – – – – – 1

iron spindle spyndle/fusillum ferrata – – – 1 – 1

mill-rind inke – – – 1 – 1

pair of trundle-wheels trendeles – – – – – 2

basket corbellus 1 1 1 – – 2 linen

basket for corn corbellus ad bladum 1 2 – – – –

millbill billa 2 – 2 2 – 2

hoe howe – – – – – 1

coffer archa – 1 – – – –

chest cista – – 1 1 – –

cask/jar for toll doleum pro tolnetum – – – – – 1

toll-chest tolnetum 1 1 1 1 1 1 wornout

toll-dish toldis – – 1 1 – –

Inventories

Six inventories survive,286 one of which is in duplicate. Four are written at the foot of the dorse of the account roll,
and therefore omit grain and livestock, which are enumerated in the body of the account. The remaining inventories
are in separate documents, and record the state of affairs at the handing over of the manor from one estate manager
to another partway through an accounting year. These include details of grain and livestock. The documents are
described as indentures, because two or more copies were written on one membrane, which was then cut along
an indented line, so that each party retained a copy. The inventory illustrated below has the wavy edge typical of
indented documents. Two copies of the other stand-alone inventory, of 1323, are extant, but they are tightly sewn
with other account rolls, and the tops of the membranes cannot be examined. The impression is that they were cut
straight to the centre, but at slightly different levels at each end, giving offset edges.

The headings of these copies are also partly obscured, but one seems to be the inventory of the out-going serviens,
Robert de Nunthey,287 and the other the receipt by his successor, John Huberd, reeve.288 There are a few minor
differences in the text of the two copies.

\

WAM 27320, an inventory of December 1345

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Note: that 25 December in the 19th year of the reign of King Edward III after the Conquest at
Morden at the manor of the Convent of Westminster, Richard Edward reeve at the same place is
removed from his office and he delivers to Alexander ate Breggeende serviens afterwards in his place
these goods written below , viz:

1 quarter 6 bushels wheat, 6 bushels rye, 6 bushels barley, 3 quarters 2 bushels oats, 2 carthorses
of which 1 lame, 4 mares weak and old, 2 colts of which 1 male aged 1½ years and the other
aged ½ year, 17 oxen, 1 bull, 11 cows, 2 calves, 8 wethers, 2 ewes, 2 hoggets, 1 pregnant sow,
2 ganders, 4 breeding female geese, 1 capon, 1 cock, 12 hens, 20 hurdles, 1 table board with 1
pair of trestles, 1 fixed table worn-out, 1 chair. Also 1 basin with ewer, 1 brass pot containing
5 gallons, 1 brass pan containing 2 gallons, 1 press for cider-making without equipment, 1
worn-out trough. In the dairy: 1 chest, 2 tables for setting out cheeses, 6 dishes, 6 platters and
6 saucers, 1 tripod, 1 worn-out griddle, 1 worn-out chest formerly for toll, 1 bolt, 1 worn-out iron
candlestick, 1 linen bushel measure and 1 linen peck measure, 1 cask for servants’ oatmeal,*
1 chest, 1 wooden winnowing implement, 2 worn-out sieves, 2 worn-out winnowing forks,
1 winnowing fan, 1 worn-out carrying-basket, 2 sacks. In the stable: 2 halters, 3 collars, of
which 1 worn-out, 1 pair traces, 1 hemp rope containing 11 fathoms [22 yards], 1 fork for
the cart, 1 tyreless cart, 1 dung-cart, 1 spade, 2 shovels/flails, 2 forks for dung, 4 ploughs, 3
coulters, 3 ploughshares of which 1 broken. Also in the mill: 1 iron spindle, 1 mill-rind, 2
pairs of trundle-wheels, 2 bills, 1 cask/jar for toll, 1 basket for sowing. Also 1 hoe. Also 2
linen baskets$ for the mill.

* Possibly for measuring [Dr M Page February 2006]

$ Probably used to collect flour [Dr M Page February 2006]

Prices of materials and equipment (in shillings)

100 door nails289

100 board-nails

board

elm trunk

feather-board

salt (1 bushel)

winnowing-fan

sack

cheese-vat

pot

rennet

tripod

plough-share

cart

100 clout-nails

100 roof shingles

100 spike-nails

ground-sill

100 laths

cog-wheel for mill

shot-board290

dungfork

wheelbarrow

basket

bowl

brass-bound pan

cask

sheaf of steel

pair plough-wheels

pair cart-wheels

pair traces

100 roof tiles

100 lath-nails

100 large nails

sheep-rack

pair trundle-wheels

100 gad-nails

pitchfork

harrow

1 ell canvas cloth

clay bowl

brass pot

bucket

plough

horse-shoe

strake for cart-wheel

halter

1 quarter lime

100 stud-nails

door fittings291

oak trunk

pair shafts

beam

fan/basket

axe

1 ell linen cloth

clay pot

cheese-press

brewing vessel

plough-foot

100 horse-shoe nails

clout

horse-collar

1 quarter burnt lime

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL 4

SAL3,5

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27308

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333-4

27335

27337-8

27339

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

prices in shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

X

+

+

X

X

X

X

27

THE LAND AND ITS CROPS
1280-1358

The fields of West Morden in 1553 (note North is at the right of the map)

extract reduced from a drawing by John Pile from a ‘plott’ or plan in The National Archives MPB 1/25/2

28 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Extracts from CUL Kk 5.29 ff.39v & 40r, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

Likewise they say that there are there of profitable land, by the perch of 16½ feet, 307½
acres, of which:- in the field of Buttesattehacche 4 acres 1½ roods, in Hethcroftes 4 acres
3 roods, in Comstrod 13 acres 1 rood, worth 6d per acre; in Northbereworth 7 acres 1½
roods, in Southbereworth 23¾ acres, in Rotforlonges 19 acres, in Longelond 21 acres 1 rood,
worth 5d per acre; in Thistelcroftes 22 acres, in Dodemanforlonges 13 acres 3 roods, in
Wowerith 6 acres 3 roods, in Northschote 24 acres, in Tweyacr’ 1 acre 3 roods, in Waterden
16 acres, worth 4d per acre; in Chircheforlong 6 acres, in Durandesfeld 9 acres 1½ roods,
in Neuburycroftes 9½ acres, in Gilleneheld 17 acres, in les Buttes super le Gretyngg 5½
acres, in Westbutte 4 acres, in Wulfardes Croftes 5 acres 1 rood, worth 3d per acre; in helde
Attehacche 36 acres 3 roods, in Westshote 10 acres 1½ roods,

in Langehull 19 acres 3 roods, in Snakehull 6 acres, worth 2d per acre.

Total value of the aforesaid lands £4 15s 1¾d.

the land and its crops 1280-1358 29

The arable fields of the demesne

An ‘Extent’ or valuation of Westminster Abbey’s manor of Morden,1 made in 1312, includes a list of the demesne
land – that part of the estate that was worked directly on behalf of the abbey, rather than held by tenants. The
sections relating to the 307½ acres of arable land are reproduced on the facing page, together with a translation.

A variety of field-types is recorded:

Type

Fieldname

Description

acre

Tweyacr’

at a mere 1¾ acres, probably means Two Acres.

buttes

Buttesattehacche

les Buttes super le Gretyngg

Westbutte

irregularly shaped patches of land, especially the shorter strips
produced as two furlong boundaries abutted.2 The hacche was
presumably a gate. Le Gretyngg is usually called Gretehegg or
Gretteheys – the great hedge or fence (or land enclosed within it) and
once as le Gretehengg – but it does not appear to have been within
the manor, merely abutting it.3

campus

in the field of
Buttesattehacche

‘field, an enclosed piece of land’4 – but why would a field be named
after the ‘buttes’? Perhaps ‘the field abutting the hatch’?

croft

Hethcroftes

Thistelcroftes

Neuburycroftes

Wulfardes Croftes

‘a small enclosure’ – often associated with a cottage or house. Heth
probably refers to the heath or common, probably Merton Common.
Thistles were presumably abundant in Thistelcroft; the new bury of
Neuburycroftes (and also Neuburygardyn) has not been identified –
there is no evidence for a new manorial centre. Wulfarde is probably
a personal name.

den

Waterden

OE denu – ‘a valley’ – here it means ‘valley with a stream or lake’4 –
adjacent ground in Merton parish was also known as Waterden. A
(now underground) brook flows north-west from the Civic Centre
towards the Kingston Road.5

field

Durandesfeld

‘open country’ later ‘open arable field’,6 here formerly in the
occupation of Durand. It is sometimes rendered Durantishelde.

furlong

Rotforlonges

Dodemanforlonges

Chircheforlong

literally ‘the length of a furrow’ – ‘a division of an open field, in which
the furrows lie in the same direction’. ‘Rot’ might indicate red soil.

Dodeman is more often Dedeman – a personal name or a burial place?

helde

Gilleneheld

helde Attehacche

‘a slope’ – Gillene survived as Gildon or Gilton Hill into the 19th century.

Helde atte Hacche does not appear in the account rolls, where we
find instead helde atte Cherche or la helde iuxta ecclesiam.

hull

Langehull

Snakehull

ME variant of OE hyll – ‘a hill’ – presumably each is here described
by its shape.

land

Longelond

‘arable; a strip or selion’ – the shape is often specified, as here.

rith

Wowerith

from OE rīþ ‘a small stream’;4 perhaps with OE whō – ‘crooked’.

shott

Northschote

Westshote

OE scēat – ‘a projecting piece of land’ – do North and West refer to
the direction towards which they project, or their general location
within the manor? A common fieldname type in both the Southfield
and Bowhill, the tenant fields of Morden, it was apparently used as
an equivalent of ‘furlong’.

strode

Comstrod

OE strōd – ‘marshy land overgrown by brushwood’. Perhaps with
OE cumb – ‘a narrow valley’.4

worth

Northbereworth

Southbereworth

‘an enclosure, often around a homestead’.4 Bere probably refers to
barley – a regular crop in these fields in the 14th century.

The survival of personal names suggests that the demesne land may have been assembled from a former open-field
system through exchanges with holders of tenant land. This is supported by the survival of open-field terminology
such as field, furlong, shott, buttes, etc.

A document of 1567 describes part of the demesne land as being in large 30- or 40-acre enclosures, two of which
became part of the Morden Park estate in 1768. It seems likely that these enclosures incorporated some of the lands
described in 1312. Although the demesne lands of 1312 are described as ‘in’ a certain field, they were probably
already compact units occupying most, if not all, of that field.

The acreages are all given in standard acres (‘by the perch of 16½ feet’), rather than in local ‘customary’ acres, as
was common in some areas.

Reduced extract from First Edition Six-inch Ordnance Survey map of 1865, annotated to show locations known or suggested by various sources.

+St Lawrence
Church

MITCHAM

CARSHALTON

probable
location?

ravensbury

Swynesmede

Eylond

spital

(Merton Priory)

Manorial
Centre

approximate
location

Bereworth?

kynnersley

The
Marsh

Waterden?

Gildon
Hill

known
location

Newbury?

Langehull,
Chirche
furlong &
Helde atte
Cherch?

+

Wulfardes
Croft?

Merton
Common

Sutton
Common

SUTTON

Probable
extent of
demesne land

Comstrod

Snakehill

The Southfield

The
Hatch?

Bowhill

The
Common
Mead

Probable
extent of
tenant land

MERTON

hobalds

(Merton Priory)

CHEAM

Sparrowfeld Common

freehold
estates

Medieval Morden

MALDEN

OTHER
PARISHES

Identifying the various fields

The Extent lists the units of arable land in order of their value per acre, which was presumably determined by the
soil, drainage and aspect. It seems likely, then, that lands of similar character in the same vicinity would have been
of the same value. This is borne out in those instances where the location is known, either because of the survival of
fieldnames into the 19th century, or because later descriptions of the land mentioned landmarks that can be identified.

Thus Snakehill occurs as plot 112 in the Tithe Apportionment Map of 1838,7 at 14 acres 2 roods 24 perches,
considerably more than the 6 acres within the demesne in 1312. A Little Snakeshill at 2¾ acres and a Great Snakeshill
at 6 acres were among several fields transferred from the forerunner of Peacock Farm in Lower Morden to the
Morden Park estate in 1783.8

A Gate Close was among these transferred fields, the gate perhaps a successor to the ‘hatch’ which gave its name to
Buttes atte Hacche, probably one of the gates to Merton Common, which once extended to the parish boundary.
Merton court rolls refer to ‘Bow Lane Gate’ and to ‘Merton Common Gate’ in Cannon Hill Lane (formerly part of
Bow Lane), near the junction with Whatley Avenue, and to ‘Monkton gate’, perhaps the way into the common near the
present Civic Centre though probably just the entrance to the Morden manorial centre then called Monkton Farm.9

This transfer also included three fields bearing a variant of the medieval fieldname Comstrod – Long Cumberstrode,
Little Cumberstrode and Lower Cumberstrode.8 A parcel of woodland called Cumberstrode Ruffet was added to the
Morden Park estate the following year.10 It survives as Cherry Wood (see page 54). The other Cumberstrode fields
and Gate Close seem to be in the same vicinity. They remained arable, not part of the parkland around the house.

Langehull (19¾ acres), the helde atte Cherch (36¾ acres) and Chircheforlong (6 acres) can probably be traced in
a dowry agreement of 1567, which mentions the 40-acre Longhills, and the 40-acre Churchfield among several large
closes within the demesne.11 These 80 acres were to form the nucleus of Morden Park when the estate was created
in 1768.12 In 1782 Longhill was described as being to the north of a close called Garmans, which lay between the
George inn and the East Pyl Brook – so perhaps the ridge on which Morden Park’s mansion stands, though evidence
from 1568 suggests it might be the ridge that crosses Hillcross Avenue near Arundel Avenue.13

Churchfield had been reduced to 35 acres by the 1590s, following the creation of the tenant farm that preceded
Morden Park. Later references to Churchfield locate it to the west of the London Road, north of the church. It had
been divided into two fields by 1594, and by 1745 Great and Little Churchfields had been further reduced to 23 acres
and a separate smallholding formed from ‘5 acres in Churchfield adjoining the highway leading to the parish church’
with ‘a messuage or tenement with orchard, yards, outhouses, edifices and buildings’ in the occupation of Michael
Churcher or Crutcher.14 This became part of Morden Park in 1768, when it was described as ‘Two parcels of land in
Church Field adjoining the highway behind two messuages and orchard over against the pound’ containing 4½ acres,
and ‘Two cottages belonging to the above’ occupying ½ acre.15 The site of the former pound is now incorporated
within the churchyard, and was occupied by a wheelwright’s workshop in the late 18th/early 19th centuries.16 By
1768 Great and Little Churchfields had each been further divided into two fields.17 The Ordnance Survey six-inch
map of 1865 shows the boundary trees of four former fields in the parkland to the north of the church.

By 1567 Waterden’s 16 acres had been divided into Great Waterden of 14 acres and Little Waterden of 2 acres.18
Great ‘Waterdons’, at 10 acres, was one of the properties held by the village blacksmith in 1745, and was part of the
farm worked from Morden House in London Road in 1761 and 1804.19 The remaining 6 acres were in an adjoining
field in Morden called ‘Watertons next to Watertons Green’, held in 1745 with various meadows along the Wandle.20
Watertons Green was in the area of the Civic Centre, between London Road and the boundary with Merton parish,
and the 6 acres adjoining in Morden are probably the 6 acres of Crown Meadow belonging to the Crown inn (plot
135) in 1838. The adjoining fields (plots 133, 134 and 141) presumably represent Great Waterdons.21 Other lands
called Waterden, later Watertons, also adjoining Watertons Green, lay on the Merton side of the boundary, within
Merton Priory’s Merton Grange estate, and became part of Morden Hall Farm from 1564.22

The Bereworths seem to have become Great and Little Barrowfield by 1567, and just Barrells by the mid-18th
century.23 At various times they were divided between the Morden Hall estate and the farm worked from Morden
House. In 1838 they were the unnamed plots 233-239, in the occupation of Richard Jones of Morden Lodge.24

Some 9 acres at Gillenehelde were part of the manor of Kynnersley in Carshalton from before 1283 until 1817. Known
as Gildon or Gilton Hill until the 19th century, it became Gillmore Hill in 1818, and Buckles Meadow (plot 191) by
1838.25 It had been referred to as ‘mede’ or ‘meadow’ since 1583.26 In 1312 there were 17 acres of demesne arable as
well as 3 roods of demesne meadows ‘in Gillenmede’, presumably along the East Pyl Brook, which ran along the foot
of the slope. When the 1511 lease was surrendered in 1568 (see pages 133-146) ‘certen closes of pasture, arable land
and roughe grounde … conteyninge by estimacion Fyftie acres or thereabouts called Gylden hill’ were held by the
farmer’s ‘mother-in-lawe’ or stepmother, perhaps the forerunner of the 72-acre Hill House estate.27

Wulfardes Croft could be the 1496 ‘Wollardesfeld’ – a boundary marker between Pylford bridge and Kynnersley.28

The three-year cycles of crop rotation 1324-1358

using data from the manorial account rolls in Westminster Abbey Muniment Room etc

(The cycles were not rigidly adhered to during this period)

Cycle 1 – starting with Autumn sowing (Wheat and Rye) in 1324-25

Hethecroft Longeland Rotforlong Dedemannesforlong Waterden Neweburycroft Westschott

1312
value

6d 5d 5d 4d 4d 4d 2d per acre

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

No account survives for Jan-Sept this year

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

acres

Cycle 2 – starting with Spring sowing (Barley, Oats and Pulses) in 1324-25

Comstrod Northschote West Wolfards Cherch Buttes atte Twy- Wowerith Longehull

butte Croft forlong Greteheg acre

1312
value

6d 4d 4d 4d 3d 3d 3d 3d 2d per acre

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

38 acres of wheat were sown this year, but no details are given of which furlongs

Pasture for reeve’s beasts & lambs

acres

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

Cycle 3 – starting with a fallow year in 1324-25

Buttes atte Hache Southbereworth Thistelcrofte Durandesfeld Gilleneheld Snakehull

6d 5d 4d 3d 3d 2d per acre

1312
value

ref

WAM 27337

WAM 27335

WAM 27333

WAM 27331

WAM 27327/29

WAM 27326

WAM 27324

WAM 27323

WAM 27322

WAM 27321

WAM 27319

WAM 27318

WAM 27317

WAM 27316

WAM 27315

WAM 27314

WAM 27313

BOD

WAM 27312

WAM 27311

WAM 27310

SAL m15

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

acres

The rotation of crops

Although the ‘classic’ three-field system was not found in Morden, being more a feature of Midland agriculture, the
three-year rotation of crops was common on the demesne arable land here. In autumn about one third of the arable
was sown with wheat [frumentum] or rye [siligo], or a mixture of the two called mixstillio [mixtilio], while another
third was not sown until the following spring, with oats [avena], barley [ordeum/hordeum], dredge [dragetum] (a
mixture of barley and oats), peas [pisa], beans [faba] or vetches [vesca]. The remaining third was left fallow [warecta]
for a year or, from 1330, left uncultivated [friscus] for a longer period. Fallow land was used during the year as
pasture for livestock belonging to the demesne or to lessees, the manure enriching the soil. The following year, the
previous fallow was ploughed in the spring and/or the summer, and again in the autumn before sowing. The fields
that had been under wheat or rye were used as short-term grazing before being ploughed for the spring sowing,
and the fields previously under oats, barley, etc, were left fallow. The cycle was completed in the third year, and the
process started again the next year.

This rotation of crops was primarily to maintain the fertility of the soil, but the variety of crops also reduced the
effects of the failure of a particular crop, and the mix of autumn- and spring-sown crops helped to spread the work
of ploughing, manuring and sowing more evenly over the year.29

From 1292/93 the ‘Issues of the Grange’ section of the Morden account rolls began to record the total area within
the demesne sown with the various crops, but from 1324 the individual fields were named as well.30 So we are able to
identify which crops were sown in which field in each year. There are many gaps in the record, as not all the accounts
have survived, and some only survive for part of the year, but it is clear that a three-year rotation was practised in
Morden in most fields at least until the middle of the 14th century. The charts on the facing page identify which
fields most closely match each of the three cycles.

There are errors in the accounts, which have been removed from these charts. The total acreage sown with various
cereals is occasionally greater than the total area of the field, and twice the whole of a field is recorded as being
under two different crops. However, the total acreage and the quantities sown always balance, so, unless the reeve
was concealing misappropriated grain, it would seem that the wrong field had been named.31

It is clear that, although most of the fields were devoted to a single crop in a year, some had two or three different
crops, presumably in different areas. Thus in 1342/43 Comstrod had beans, peas and oats, all spring-sown plants.32
Sometimes peas or vetches were sown in part of a fallow field (see page 47). Other fields were sown with both
autumn- and spring-sown crops during the same year, part having been left fallow the previous year – for example,
Westschotte in most recorded years between 1327/28 and 1345/46, and Rotforlong in 1339/40, 1342/43 and 1348/49.33
Southbereworth always seems to have had a variety of crops, and was never entirely fallow. Northbereworth has
only two fallow periods recorded, being mostly under barley, as befits its name. At the other extreme, le helde ate
Cherche was never completely cultivated in any single year, the most being in 1341/42, when just over half was
sown with oats, its usual crop.34

It is also evident that some fields were left uncultivated for several years at a time, especially after the outbreak of
plague in 1349. Some of these are mentioned in the accounts as being used for pasture for the lord’s sheep, or leased
to tenants. Often the only mention is that the land concerned is no longer being leased, so we have no information
as to how long it had been leased. One lease of Wolfards Croft was for 9 years, from 1333/34 to 1341/42.35

The amount of demesne
arable under cultivation
declined over the years
(see page 37). On the
whole it was the less
valuable demesne land
that was left uncultivated,
but Longeland and
Rotforlong, both valued
at 5d an acre in the Extent
of 1312,36 appear to have
been uncultivated between
1349/50 and 1351/52, so
land value was apparently
not the only factor to be
taken into account.37

8697071727374757677787980818283848586878889909192939495123456789101112131415161718wheatrye/mixstilliodredgebarleybeanspeasvetchesoatsuncultivatedat farmpasture at farmpasture at farm?
pasture -lord’s sheepexchangedunspecified
8697071727374757677787980818283848586878889909192939495123456789101112131415161718wheatrye/mixstilliodredgebarleybeanspeasvetchesoatsuncultivatedat farmpasture at farmpasture at farm?
pasture -lord’s sheepexchangedunspecified
Irregular rotation of crops

Helde atte Cherche

valued in 1312 at 2d per acre

Northbereworth

5d per acre

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

fallow/uncultivated

acres

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Yields

Percentage yields

including yields charged at audit

wheat charged at audit

rye/mixtillio charged at audit

barley charged at audit

dredge charged at audit

oats charged at audit

legumes charged at audit

wheat sown

rye/mixtillio sown

barley sown

dredge sown

oats sown

legumes sown

wheat threshed

rye/mixtillio threshed

barley threshed

dredge threshed

oats threshed

legumes threshed

WHEAT

RYE/MIXSTILLIO

BARLEY

DREDGE

OATS

LEGUMES

REFERENCE

Crops threshed or charged at the audit

year 2

Crops sown

year 1

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1358-59 308% 210% 311% 281% 268% 320%

1357-58 300% – 307% 300% 282% 297%

1356-57 300% – 350% – 250% 102%

1355-56 300% 495% 300% – 150% 211%

1354-55

1353-54 300% – 385% – 198% 362%

1352-53 338% – 369% 263% 239% omitted

1351-52 224% – 301% 188% 104% –

1350-51 200% – 250% 100% 200% 100%

1349-50 237% 200% 199% 165% 153% omitted

1348-49 191% 282% 314% 450% 253% 274%

1347-48

1346-47 143% 50% 468% 253% 78% 258%

1345-46 368% 400% 360% – 218% 245%

1344-45 305% 188% 500% – 250% 291%

1343-44

1342-43 282% 250% 505% – 286% 164%

1341-42 272% 422% 294% – 296% 406%

1340-41 375% 306% 135% – part year –

1339-40 omitted 475% 472% 419% 281% 500%

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36 680% 333% 330% – 335% 360%

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33 400% illegible 487% – 303% 376%

1331-32

1330-31 387% 317% 410% – 302% 226%

1329-30 340% 100% 335% – omitted 408%

1328-29

1327-28 301% 425% 392% 100% 284% 126%

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25 no yields declared in this account

1323-24

1322-23 320% 200% 256% – 313% 250%

1321-22 132% – 274% – 229% –

1320-21 300% 300% 330% – 275% 370%

1319-20 339% – 330% – 364% 408%

1318-19

1317-18 no yields declared in this account

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14 338% – 302% – 204% 256%

1312-13 300% 324% 300% 250% 204% 338%

1311-12 296% 392% 312% 143% 233% 162%

1310-11 279% – 304% 217% 192% 401%

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08 265% 315% 303% 475% 100% 504%

1306-07 234% – 318% – 167% 133%

1305-06

1304-05 190% 187% 212% 94% 137% 100%

1303-04 210% 583% 214% 280% 160% 85%

1302-03 240% 250% 356% 285% 186% 198%

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96 192% 343% 182% – 216% 200%

1294-95 346% 312% 221% – 223% 270%

1293-94

1292-93 329% 500% 400% – 200% 306%

1291-92 255% 569% 307% – 310% 284%

1290-91 310% 429% 284% – 363% 590%

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88 no yields declared in this account

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83 206% 325% 194% – 186% 462%

1281-82 373% omitted 337% – 327%
351%

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

290

300

310

320

330

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

omitted = yield not stated in the account

– = no entry in the account

quarters sown

quarters threshed or charged at the audit

Yields

The ‘Issues of the grange’ [Exitus grangie] section of the accounts lists the various grains threshed after harvest, or
purchased or otherwise obtained, and goes on to detail the ways in which they were consumed throughout that year.

The accounting year normally ran from Michaelmas (29 September) to Michaelmas or thereabouts (see page 192),
so the grain threshed had been sown and harvested in the previous accounting year. Occasionally some of the
newly-harvested crop was threshed immediately to meet a shortfall, and this ‘new grain’ is described as having
been ‘exchanged’ [mutuat], though perhaps ‘borrowed’ would be a better translation, as it is seldom acknowledged
in the next account.38

From 1290/91 the yield for each crop is normally noted in the margin of the ‘Issues of the grange’ accounts, described
as X-fold plus or minus Y quarters Z bushels.39 If successive accounts survive, yield can be calculated by dividing
the issue by the amount sown the previous year. Errors in the declared yield are surprisingly few. However, the
amount threshed sometimes fell short of the declared yield, and the reeve was ‘charged at the audit’ [onerat or carcat
super compotum] or ‘surcharged’ [superonerat] for the difference. In 1322/23 the serviens was surcharged ‘so that
he may answer [ut respondeat] at the estimate made by himself which he accepted at his peril [periculum] which he
allowed’.40 Though infrequent at first, such charges occur regularly from 1342,41 perhaps reflecting the introduction
of target yields or set quotas.42 The table below uses year-ranges in published studies of other Westminster estates.43

Average gross yields per seed [the years counted are shown in italics in square brackets]

The threshed grain was measured by volume rather than by weight, using baskets. A bushel basket could hold around
1¼ bushels if the grain was heaped up, so normally the grain was levelled to the top of the basket. This was referred to
as ‘razed’ or ‘struck measure’ [mensura rasa], as opposed to ‘heaped measure’ [mensura cumula]. The manor of Morden
followed the custom of striking, or levelling, the first seven bushels of a quarter of grain, but leaving the eighth bushel
heaped.44 From 1346/47 the reeve was charged for the difference between heaped and struck measure, called in later
accounts ‘increment of the heaped eighth bushel’ [incrementum cumuli octavi busselli], and described in the rectory
account of 1350/51 as ‘profit to the merchant’.45 This increment was usually included when calculating the yield, as was
‘exchanged’ new grain. Grain ‘charged at the audit’ was also included, so the actual yield was lower than that declared.

Medieval harvests were poor at the best of times, and Morden’s were among the poorest of the abbey’s estates. In
1345/46 the harvest of wheat, rye and oats in Morden was very low. No yield for these was declared on the following
account roll, though a normal yield for dredge and a high yield for barley were recorded. The 1345/46 account
mentions heavy rain and flooding, which seems to have affected the autumn-sown crops and some spring-sown
crops, though barley, which ‘will stand a good deal of rain but suffers greatly from drought’,46 was able to prosper.

The weather was not the only factor to affect yields – the fertility of the soil, the quality of the seed, and the skill of
sowers and threshers all played their part. Attempts were made to improve the fertility of the soil by rotating crops,
leaving fields fallow, using legumes to replace nitrogen levels, and spreading dung and marl on the fields. Fresh seed
corn was purchased to ‘improve the seed’,47 though the records suggest this was not a frequent practice.

PERIOD: 1271-1299 1300-1324 1325-1349 1350-1380 1381-1410

WHEAT: 211% [7] 220% [13] 212% [13] 259% [8] – [0]

RYE/MIXSTILLIO: 323% [6] 272% [8] 200% [13] 314% [2] – [0]

BARLEY: 222% [7] 256% [13] 232% [14] 291% [8] – [0]

DREDGE: – [0] 153% [7] 167% [ 5] 143% [5] – [0]

OATS: 200% [7] 167% [13] 163% [13] 182% [8] – [0]

LEGUMES: 248% [7] 204% [12] 155% [12] 115% [6] – [0]

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

Purchases of seed (in quarters)

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

wheat rye barley oats beans peas mixed pulses vetches

WHEAT

RYE/MIXSTILIO

REFERENCE

BARLEY

DREDGE

OATS

LEGUMES

Acres sown and yields per acre

Autumn sowing Spring sowing

(wheat, rye and mixstillio) (barley, dredge, oats and legumes)

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1357-58 9.66 9.34 4.06 12.53 15.52

1356-57 4.52 13.66 13.81 3.06

1355-56 8.41 10.99 6.53 1.46

1354-55 6.41 9.43 20.56 5.95 4.61

1353-54

1352-53 8.95 16.86 14.48 6.29

1351-52 7.02 19.72 6.79 4.40 2.28

1350-51 8.34 6.55 7.06 3.80

1349-50 1.79 12.12 6.40 7.17 1.30

1348-49 4.14 1.14 7.40 11.00 5.50 1.94

1347-48 6.21 8.54 15.45 6.00 9.94 5.76

1346-47

1345-46 2.59 1.15 11.54 3.95 8.90

1344-45 7.81 7.76 23.59 8.47 16.91

1343-44 6.54 6.05 14.05 9.58 5.69

1342-43

1341-42 6.34 16.00 16.00 6.69 14.22

1340-41 5.31 5.88 7.94 12.44 5.62

1339-40 8.17 10.54 1.06

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32 8.00 9.90 10.47 4.04

1330-31

1329-30 8.11 7.60 9.03 7.70

1328-29 5.67 6.67 15.41 8.65 9.80

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24 4.29 16.00 12.25 6.82 13.87

1322-23

1321-22 7.72 2.67 8.26 12.56 10.17

1320-21 2.82 9.00 7.73 6.84 10.93
1319-20 4.79 9.67 16.38 10.70

1318-19 11.38 11.00 12.64 9.71

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13 5.10 12.45 7.62 7.95

1311-12 6.95 10.00 9.79 7.14 7.61 7.33

1310-11 5.67 12.39 6.67 10.67 3.70

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07 5.58 11.76 4.66 12.36

1305-06 3.82 11.68 6.05 2.76

1304-05

1303-04 3.53 4.67 6.03 6.80 4.69 2.00

1302-03 4.61 8.75 11.56 11.20 6.40 2.28

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95 2.04 4.57 4.27 8.24 10.00

1293-94 7.12 4.37 11.86 11.29 3.86

1292-93

1291-92 5.86 9.56 16.55 9.21 9.30

1290-91 4.53 12.05 7.81 17.16 4.73

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88 no yields declared in this account

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82 5.01 19.50 9.43 8.34 8.77

1280-81

no data for oats

yield per acre
(in bushels)

yield per acre
(in bushels)

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

acres sown

wheat rye/mixtillio barley dredge oats legumes

Acres sown and yields per acre

The ‘Issues of the grange’ accounts usually state the quantity of grain sown and the total acreage sown with each
crop. In the same way that yields can be calculated by dividing the quantities threshed by the quantities sown, so
declared yields can be used to calculate the quantity sown in the previous year. This is a useful tool where accounts
have not survived, though it is not entirely reliable if the declared yield only represents a target yield.

It is also possible to calculate the approximate acreage sown, as the amount of seed per acre was fairly constant. At
the beginning of our period wheat was sown at 2 bushels per acre (plus or minus a bushel or so in total), increasing
to 2 bushels 1 peck per acre (+/-) from 1330/31. Rye and mixstillio were sown at 2 bushels per acre (+/-) increasing
to 2 bushels 1 peck per acre in 1340/41, 1348/49 and 1353/54. Peas and vetches were also sown at 2 bushels per acre
(+/-), though in 1346/47 and 1347/48 vetches were sown at 2 bushels 1 peck per acre. Barley, dredge, oats and beans
were all sown at 4 bushels per acre (+/-), though from 1311/12 to 1313/14 beans were sown at 5 bushels per acre.

When the sown acreage is known, yields per acre can also be calculated, as in the tables on the facing page, though
these are less accurate when based on calculated acreages. The yields fluctuate, but some trends can be identified
from average yields per acre over the 25-30 year periods as studied by Farmer and his predecessors.48 Again, these
yields are among the lowest of the Westminster Abbey estates.

Averages – bushels per acre [the years counted are shown in italics in square brackets]49

It is clear from the chart on the facing page that the acreage sown decreased considerably during our period. The
charts on pages 32 and 33 show that many fields were left fallow for several years, while others were let to tenants
on short-term leases, sometimes as pasture, but probably also as arable. The increase in population during the early
14th century created a demand for land that the abbey was apparently happy to meet by leasing excess demesne
land. The following table shows average acreages of demesne sown over the 25-30 year periods used above, together
with the percentage loss of arable land between each period.50

The latest accounts list at the foot of the dorse of the roll the total acreage sown, together with details of the acreage
manured.

PERIOD: 1271-1299 1300-1324 1325-1349 1350-1380 1381-1410

WHEAT: 3.72 [5] 4.41 [12] 4.68 [11] 5.46 [7] – [0]

RYE/MIXSTILLIO: 6.04 [5] 5.44 [6] 4.64 [10] 7.09 [1] – [0]

BARLEY: 7.54 [5] 10.26 [12] 10.30 [12] 10.31 [7] – [0]

DREDGE: – [0] 6.11 [4] 9.49 [ 3] 4.56 [3] – [0]

OATS: 6.84 [5] 6.67 [12] 6.72 [11] 6.26 [7] – [0]

LEGUMES: 4.49 [5] 5.87 [12] 4.64 [11] 2.83 [6] – [0]

Total demesne acres sown and the changes in acreages sown

PERIOD: 1271-1299 1300-1324 1325-1349 1350-1380 1381-1410

SOURCES: 10 19 17 8 0

AVERAGE: 245.41 195.42 167.89 122.34 –

CHANGES IN ACREAGE SOWN: -20% -14% -27%

[Sum of acres sown 18]4 acres ½ rood.

Note: that manured v this year by carts 5½ acres and by the fold 11 [acres].

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Morden: Issues of the grange at the same place by struck measure for 21st year – Alexander ate
Bruggende serviens

Wheat

6s.

First he renders his account for 22 quarters 2 bushels wheat, of which 15 quarters 4 bushels
curall, of issue of the grange at the same place by struck measure by 1 tally against Thomas
Denham granger, threshed by piecework. And for 6 quarters 4 bushels wheat received from the
reeve of Teddington by the aforesaid measure by 1 tally. And for 8 quarters 6 bushels wheat
of purchase for seed. And for 2 bushels 1 peck of increment of heaped measure. And for 2
quarters 1 peck wheat of new grain exchanged for servants’ liveries.

Sum 39 quarters 6½ bushels.

Of which in sowing over 68 acres 21 perches land in parcels 17 quarters 6½ bushels, viz over
the acre 2 bushels 1 peck minus in total 1 quarter 2½ bushels, of which in Buttes atte Hache
4 acres 1½ roods, in Southberworthe 9 acres 21 perches and no more because 14½ acres with
barley below, in Thistelcroft 22 acres, in Durantesfeld 9 acres 1½ roods, in Gillenehelde 12
acres and no more because 5 acres lie uncultivated, in Wolfarduscroft 5 acres 1 rood and in
Snakeshull 6 acres. In customary payment to sower 1 bushel. In livery of 1 serviens for the
year 6 quarters 4 bushels, taking a quarter per 8 weeks. In maslin for servants’ livery as below
7 quarters curall wheat. In livery of 1 reap-reeve for 5 weeks in harvest 5 bushels. In livery of 1
stacker for 5 weeks in harvest 5 bushels.because by servants Delivered to brother Richard de Reddyng
keeper of the granary at Westminster 6 quarters by 1 tally. In bread baked for expenses of 205
men at 5 boonworks in harvest 1 quarter 1 bushel. In sale at the audit 6 bushels.

Sum as above. And none remains.

The Issues of the Grange – Wheat

Wheat was the main food cereal grown on the manor, usually between a third and a half of the sown acreage,
normally on land left fallow the previous year. Until 1352/53 the wheat accounts always distinguished between wheat
[frumentum] and curall [frumentum curallum], which referred to the smallest and poorest grains. Curall was more
often reserved for servants’ maslin [mixtura] (see page 99). It was also fed to pigs, and often sold. Occasionally curall
was used for bread provided for workers at haymaking and harvest, though rye was more commonly used.

Surprisingly, wheat bread was provided at harvest boonworks, as well as for the reeve, reap-reeve and household
servants during harvest. One bushel was regularly given to the sowers for their own use. Wheat formed part of the
expenses of visiting officials such as the bailiff and the auditor, usually only a bushel or two, no doubt in the form of
bread. Some wheat was sent to other manors belonging to Westminster Abbey, and a high proportion was sent to
the abbey itself, though sometimes it was sold and the cash was sent instead. On four occasions between 1340/41
and 1352/53 wheat was sold to royal purveyors (see page 187). There seems to have been some delay in payment
for this in 1340/41.51

There are a number of references to wheat being purchased, but often more wheat was sold than bought in that year,
so it was presumably only to meet a short-term shortage. However, in 1295/96, 1339/40, 1346/47, 1349/50, 1350/51,
1356/57, and 1357/58 purchases exceeded sales.52

In 12 years it is recorded that new grain harvested at the end of the accounting year was ‘exchanged’ or borrowed
[mutuat], but only three accounts refer to the ‘exchange’ made the previous year.53 In spite of this the stated yields
nearly always took account of the new grain consumed the previous year.

In 1290/91 15 quarters 3 bushels of new grain were recorded, but 18 quarters 2 bushels of wheat remained in the
grange at the end of the accounting year. Similarly in 1303/04 15½ quarters of new grain were recorded, of which
4½ quarters were curall, and yet 11 quarters remained in the grange at the end of the accounting year.54

How each quarter of wheat was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

120

115

110

105

100

95

90

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100

105

110

115

120

incoming grain

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

incoming

brought forward

wheat threshed

curall threshed

charged at audit

increment

new grain

from other manors

purchased

from other source

outgoing

sown as seed

sown as mixed seed

manor expenses

expenses of officials

taken by purveyors

sent to other manors

exchanged

sold

‘sold at audit’

sent to Westminster

carried forward

Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same answers for 1 quarter rye of issue of the grange at the same place by the aforesaid
measure, by 1 tally against the aforesaid Thomas granger, threshed by piecework. And for 2
quarters 1 bushel rye of purchase for seed. And for ½ bushel of increment of heaped [measure].
And for 3 quarters exchanged of new grain for servants’ liveries.

Sum 6 quarters 1½ bushels.

Of which in sowing over 7 acres 1½ roods land in Northberworth 2 quarters 1½ bushel, over
the acre 2 bushels plus in total 2 bushel 3 pecks. And in maslin for servants’ liveries as below
4 quarters.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Rye

exchange

The same answers for 3 quarters dredge of issue of the grange at the same place by the aforesaid
measure, by 1 tally above with barley against the aforesaid Thomas granger, threshed by
piecework. And for 2 quarters barley received above. And for 2 quarters 4 bushels oats for
dredge seed.

Sum 7 quarters 4 bushels.

Of which in sowing over 9 acres in Westschote and no more because 1 acre 1½ roods lie
uncultivated, 4 quarters 4 bushels, viz over the acre 4 bushels. Delivered to brother Richard de
Redyng keeper of the granary at Westminster 3 quarters by 1 tally.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Dredge

3-fold
minus 4½
bushels

The Issues of the Grange – Rye and Mixstillio

Rye [siligo] was an autumn-sown crop, often sown mixed with wheat as mixstillio [mixtilio].55 Rye grows well on
soils that are too poor for wheat.

Most of the rye and mixstillio was used for servants’ maslin, though until 1311/12 some was used for making the
bread given to the workers at haymaking and harvest. None was sent to Westminster Abbey, as rye bread was not
of the high quality enjoyed by the monks. Morden often received rye or mixstillio from other manors belonging to
the abbey, especially from Battersea. Some was sold or taken by purveyors, but usually only very small amounts,
too little to register on the chart below.

The Issues of the Grange – Dredge

Dredge [dragetum], sometimes translated as drage, was another mixed seed, a mixture of barley and oats, sown in
spring. It was a very minor crop in Morden, and is only recorded on a regular basis between 1302/03 and 1313/14,
and between 1345/46 and 1352/53.56 In 1335/36 2 quarters of dredge came ‘from forfeited chattels’ [de catall forefacts],
and were delivered to the serviens of Battersea.57

Most years about half of the grain was used as seed. Occasionally a little was malted (see page 43).

In 1327/28 4 quarters went towards servants’ maslin, and in 1312/13 4 quarters were taken ‘by the king’s ministers’.
From 1339/40 most if not all the dredge was sent to the abbey.58

The word drank’ or drauk’ also appears in a few accounts, and has here been included as dredge, although on one
occasion it appears in the ‘Wheat’ section of the ‘Issues of the grange’. One rectory account explains that it was
mixed with vetches.59 It is probably a variant of drawk – a weed found among cereal plants, possibly darnel, cockle
or wild oats.60

How each quarter of rye or mixstillio was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

incoming grain

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

brought forward

rye threshed

mixstillio threshed

charged at audit

increment

new grain

from other manors

purchased

wheat for seed

from other source

sown as seed

manor expenses

taken by purveyors

sold

‘sold at audit’

carried forward

How each quarter of dredge was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

incoming grain

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

sown as seed

manor expenses

taken by purveyors

sent to other manors

made into malt

sold

‘sold at audit’

sent to Westminster

carried forward

brought forward

threshed

charged at audit

increment

from other source

purchased

barley for seed

oats for seed

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Barley

5-fold
minus
1 quarter

bushels

6d.

The same answers for 17 quarters 2 bushels barley of issue of the grange at the same place by
the aforesaid measure, by 1 tally against the aforesaid Thomas granger, threshed by piecework.

And for 2 quarters 1 bushel barley of purchase for seed. And for ½ bushel of increment by
heaped [measure].

Sum 19 quarters 3½ bushels.

Of which in sowing over 14½ acres in Southberworth, as appears above under the heading
Wheat, 7 quarters 2½ bushels, viz over the acre 4 bushels plus in total ½ bushel. In customary
payment to sower 1 bushel. Mixed below with oats for dredge seed 2 quarters. Delivered to
brother Richard de Redyng keeper of the granary at Westminster 10 quarters by 1 tally. In
sale at the audit 1 bushel.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Malt The same renders account for 3 quarters of barley, 3 quarters of oats for making. And for 6
bushels of issue of the mill.

Sum 6 quarters 6 bushels.

Of which In expenses as regards the harvest boonwork 3 quarters. In household expenses in harvest 1½
quarters. In sale 5 bushels.

Sum 5 quarters 1 bushel. And there remains 1 quarter 5 bushels.

Extract from WAM 27289, the account roll from the Morrow of Michaelmas 1288

until the Morrow of Michaelmas 1289

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

(There is no entry for malt in WAM 27321)

The Issues of the Grange – Barley

Barley [ordeum or hordeum] was a spring-sown crop, and produced coarser bread than wheat. It was the main crop
of North and South Bereworth, the bere element of which is probably the Old English for barley. It was also grown
occasionally on Westschott, and in 1341/42 on Longhill and in 1349/50 on Buttes atte Hache.61

Until 1307/08 2 or 3 quarters were malted each year for brewing ale (see below). About 25% was used for seed each
year, the sowers usually receiving 1 bushel for their own use. Some went towards the servants’ maslin, and in most
years some was sent to the abbey, no doubt to be malted for ale. The surplus was sold.

In 1351/52 Baldwin, the vicar of Morden, paid 8 quarters of barley ‘for farm of the rectory’ –
the right to receive
the great tithes, which the abbey was entitled to receive since the living had been appropriated in 1301 (see page
151). 8½ quarters of barley were received from the rectory in 1353/54, but no reason is given in either the manor
account or the rectory account.62

Malt

Malt [brasium] was made by soaking grains to cause them to sprout and then drying and roasting them, usually
barley or oats, but occasionally wheat or dredge. Between 1295 and 1308 a 12.5% ‘increment’ was recorded in
the process of making malt from barley.63 Although some might be sold, it was mostly used in making ale for the
expenses of harvest workers, both household servants and tenants, who received food and drink provided by the
lord at three of the five harvest boonworks, the other two being ‘dry’ boonworks (see page 123). In most years the
ale was purchased, rather than brewed on the demesne, and was calculated at ½d per head. The malt supplied to
the rectory in 1352/53 was also towards the harvest expenses, in this case for those responsible for gathering in the
tithe of the tenants’ crops (see page 159).64

How each quarter of barley was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

part year only

incoming grain

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

brought forward

threshed

charged at audit

increment

new grain

from other manors

purchased

from other source

sown as seed

sown as mixed seed

manor expenses

made into malt

sold

‘sold at audit’

sent to Westminster

carried forward

How each quarter of malt was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

incoming malt

outgoing malt

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

brought forward

multure from mill

wheat

barley

increment of barley

oats

dredge

harvest boonworks

household in harvest

delivered to rectory

sold

‘sold at audit’

carried forward

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same answers for 28 quarters 2 bushels oats of issue of the grange at the same place by the
aforesaid measure, by 1 tally against the said Thomas de Denham granger, threshed by piecework.
And for 4 quarters 1 bushel oats of the same issue by estimation in sheaves by the said tally.
And for 13 quarters 7 bushels 1 peck oats of purchase, of which 2 quarters 6 bushels for seed.
And for 3½ bushels of increment by heaped [measure].

Sum 46 quarters 5 bushels 3 pecks.

Of which in sowing over 56½ acres ½ rood land in parcels 28 quarters 2 bushels, over the acre
4 bushels, of which in le Buttes atte hatche Westbuttes 4 acres 1½ roods, in Rotsforlang 19 acres,
in Langelond 21 acres 1 rood, in Neweburicroft 9½ acres, in Comstrod 2 acres 1½ roods and
no more because 10 acres 3½ roods lie at fallow. Mixed above with barley for dredge seed 2
quarters 4 bushels. In making meal for servants’ pottage for the year 2 quarters 3 bushels. In
fodder for 2 carthorses from Michaelmas day until 3rd May for 215 nights, 6 quarters 5 bushels
3 pecks, taking per night 1 peck. In fodder for 2 draught horses at winter and Lenten sowing 2
quarters. In fodder for 16 oxen, by estimation in sheaves, and in sustenance for weak animals
and in weaning calves of issue by estimation in sheaves 4 quarters 1 bushel oats. In fodder for
the horse of brother J Mordon bailiff of Westminster for his coming for superintending and
regulating the state of the manor 4 bushels by 1 sealed tally. In fodder for the steward’s horse
for Courts held on occasions 1 bushel by 1 sealed document. In fodder for the horses of J Porter
the auditor and the clerk of the audit coming there in the month of May for taking view of the
audit 1 bushel by 1 sealed tally. In sale at the audit 2 bushels.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Oats

8d.

The Issues of the Grange – Oats

Oats [avena] were the most important of the spring-sown cereals in Morden, and occupied an acreage similar to
wheat, seldom dropping below 30% of the sown acreage, and occasionally exceeding 50% (see chart on page 47).

Between a third and a half of the year’s issue was used for seed, some mixed with barley and sown as dredge. Much
of the remainder was consumed as fodder by the demesne livestock during the winter months, some unthreshed
in sheaves [garba], and for the horses of visiting officials and royal purveyors. In most years a considerable amount
was sent to Westminster Abbey, though occasionally the surplus was sold and the cash sent to Westminster instead.
Some two or three quarters were ground into oatmeal for servants’ pottage and, in the last decade of the 13th century
and in the opening years of the 14th, a little was malted (see page 43).

How each quarter of oats was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

200

195

190

185

180

175

170

165

160

155

150

145

140

135

130

125

120

115

110

105

100

95

90

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100

105

110

115

120

125

130

135

140

145

150

155

160

165

170

175

180

185

190

195

200

incoming grain

No account survives for January to September this year

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

sown as seed

sown as mixed seed

made into oatmeal

made into malt

manor expenses

expenses of officials

taken by purveyors

sent to other manors

sold

‘sold at audit’

sent to Westminster

carried forward

brought forward

threshed

in sheaves

charged at audit

increment

new grain

from other manors

purchased

from other source

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Beans

10d.

White peas

Black peas
and vetches
mixed

exchange

7½d

The same answers for 3 quarters 5 bushels beans of issue of the grange at the same place by the
aforesaid measure, by 1 tally against the said Thomas, threshed by piecework.

Sum 3 quarters 5 bushels.

Of which in planting over 6½ acres in Waterdene and no more because 1 acre with white peas
and 8½ acres with pulses, viz black peas and vetches mixed, 3 quarters 4 2 bushels, over the
acre 4 bushels plus in total 1 bushel. And in maslin for servants’ livery as below 2 bushels. In
sale at the audit 1 bushel.

Sum as above. And none remains.

The same answers for 2 bushels white peas of issue of the grange at the same place. And sown
over 1 acre in Waterdon.

And none remains.

The same answers for 9 quarters 2 bushels black peas and vetches mixed of issue of the grange
at the same place by the aforesaid measure, by 1 tally above with rye against the said Thomas
granger, threshed by piecework. And for 2 quarters 6 bushels of new grain exchanged, for
servants’ livery.

Sum 12 quarters.

Of which in sowing over 22 acres 21½ acres land in parcels 6 quarters 2 bushels 3 pecks viz over the
acre 2 bushels 1 peck plus in total ½ bushel, of which in Waterdon, as appears above under the
heading Beans, 8½ acres and in Dedemannsforlang 13½ acres and no more because 3 roods lie
uncultivated. And in maslin for servants’ livery as below 5 quarters 6 bushels. And in sale at
the audit 1 bushel 1 peck.

Sum as above. And none remains.

The Issues of the Grange – Beans, Peas and Vetches

Legumes put nitrogen into soil, to the benefit of the following year’s crop. They became increasingly important
throughout the country during the 13th and 14th centuries, as their effectiveness in improving the fertility of the
soil became more widely known.65 In Morden their percentage of the sown acreage generally increased slightly
during the early part of the 14th century, but it was not consistent, ranging between 3% and 16%.

Proportion of acres sown with each crop (legumes highlighted)

The table of average percentages sown with legumes over the 25-30 year periods as studied by Farmer and his
predecessors shows a slight increase to 1349, in line with most Westminster manors.66

Legumes were usually sown, often as mixed seed, as part of the spring-sown cycle, but then much of the improved
fertility would be wasted in nourishing the weeds on the fallow. It was more beneficial to sow them on part of the
fallow fields, a practice only occasionally found in Morden (see page 32).67

The bulk of the crop was consumed by the manorial staff, as pottage or as maslin (see pages 101, 99). They were
also used for fodder for pigs and draught animals, and for the bailiff’s horse in 1280/81. They were even taken by
royal purveyors as horse fodder in 1349/50. Unthreshed [in siliquis], they were fed to ewes and lambs in 1353/54
and 1355/56 and especially when hay was in short supply, as recorded in 1357/58. Surplus stocks were sold, or
occasionally sent to other manors. In 1353/54, 2 quarters 2 pecks of mixed legumes came from the rectory estate
in Morden and 1 quarter was returned there.68 None were sent to the abbey.

Beans [faba] could be either sown or planted, sometimes in the garden. There were many varieties of peas – white
peas [pisa alba] and black peas [pisa nigra] appear in our records.69 The common vetch [vesca] was mainly cultivated
for fodder, but is listed among the ingredients of the servants’ maslin in 1321/22.70 The account rolls often use the
generic term ‘pulses’ [harascium], rather than the individual crop names.71

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

9%
8%
7%
0%
0%
0%
0%
5%
0%
6%
4%
6%
5%
0%
8%
6%
0%
0%
0%
0%
0%
7%
6%
5%
7%
7%
6%
12%
0%
11%
10%
8%
10%
10%
0%
0%
0%
13%
9%
9%
10%
12%
5%
0%
3%
0%
5%
6%
9%
8%
4%
8%
0%
13%
10%
0%
0%
0%
7%
0%
5%
6%
0%
9%
11%
16%
10%
13%
12%
6%
10%
5%
8%
9%
6%
4%
7% 0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
55%
60%
65%
70%
75%
80%
85%
90%
95%
100%
1280-81
1283-84
1286-87
1289-90
1292-93
1295-96
1298-99
1301-02
1304-05
1307-08
1310-11
1313-14
1316-17
1319-20
1322-23
1325-26
1328-29
1331-32
1334-35
1337-38
1340-41
1343-44
1346-47
1349-50
1352-53
1355-56
% of acres sown
100%

95%

90%

85%

80%

75%

70%

65%

60%

55%

50%

45%

40%

35%

30%

25%

20%

15%

10%

5%

0%

part year only

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

beans, peas & vetches W wheat R rye/mixstillio B barley D dredge O oats

%

PERIOD: 1271-1299 1300-1324 1325-1349 1350-1380 1381-1410

SOURCES: 10 19 16 8 0

AVERAGE: 6.4% 8.4% 9.4% 6.9% 0

How each quarter of legumes was accounted for

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

incoming grain

part year only

outgoing grain

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

beans threshed

peas threshed

vetches threshed

mixed threshed

unthreshed

increment

charged at audit

new grain

purchased

from other sources

sown or planted

manor expenses

to rectory or other manor

expenses of officials

taken by purveyors

sold

‘sold at audit’

carried forward

50MEDIEVAL MORDEN: THE MANORIAL ECONOMY 1280-15001918171615141312111098765432127339-4027337-827335-627333-427331-3227327-292732627324-527323273222732127319273182731727316273152731427313BOD27312273112731027308SAL14-15SAL 13/10, 1227306-7SAL6/7SAL3, 5SAL 4SAL2273052730427303SAL127301-022730027298-99272972729527294272932729227290-912728927287-8827284-8527283272821280-59Corn prices (the price ofCorn prices (the price ofCorn prices (the price ofCorn prices (the price ofCorn prices (the price of 1 quar 1 quar 1 quar 1 quar 1 quarterterterterter, in shillings), in shillings), in shillings), in shillings), in shillings)
wheat soldcurall wheat soldmixstillio soldrye soldbarley solddredge soldbeans soldpeas soldpulses soldoats soldmaslin soldmill multure soldmill malt soldmalt soldbarley malt soldoat malt soldcider soldwheat boughtcurall wheat boughtmixstillio boughtrye boughtbarley boughtbeans boughtpeas boughtwhite peas boughtvetches boughtpulses boughtoats boughtmaslin boughtcasks of cider soldwheat boughtXvetches sold
Corn prices (the price of 1 quarter, in shillings)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL 4

SAL3,5

SAL6/7

27306-7

SAL 13/10,12

SAL14-15

27308

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324-5

27326

27327-29

27331-32

27333-4

27335-6

27337-8

27339-40

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

wheat sold
rye sold
beans sold
oats sold

mill malt sold

oat malt sold
wheat bought

rye bought
peas bought

pulses bought
curall wheat sold
barley sold
peas sold
maslin sold
‘malt’ sold

casks of cider sold
curall wheat bought

barley bought

white peas bought

oats bought

mixstillio sold
dredge sold

pulses sold
mill multure sold
barley malt sold
vetches sold
mixstillio bought
beans bought

vetches bought
maslin bought

X

+

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Purchases and sales of grain and other produce

Most of the account rolls (but not that for 1346/47) record sales of small amounts of grain, surplus to the requirements
of the manor, or sold to royal purveyors under a form of ‘compulsory purchase’ (see page 187). Deficiencies in
home-produced crops were also made good by purchase. Sometimes a proportion of the seed corn was purchased,
in the hope of bringing new vigour to the crop (see page 35). There were few purchases of maslin, a mixture of grains
doled out to the household servants (see page 99), as the proportions would vary according to the grains available.

The prices were determined by a number of factors, including the abundance of the harvest, the time of year and
the quality of the grain.

The chart on the facing page includes prices of malt and cider, and also grain from rectory accounts (see page 157).
Prices for corn ‘sold at the audit’ have not been included here (see page 195).

Extract from WAM 27322, the account roll for Morrow of Michaelmas 1348 to Michaelmas Eve 1349

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Corn sold

The same answers for 2s 6d 3s for 6 bushels white peas sold, price of a bushel 5d. 6d And for
10½d 14d for 3½ bushels peas sold, price of a bushel 3d. 4d And for 6d 10d for 2 bushels of dredge
sold. And for 15s 4d 20s 5¼d for 10 quarters 1 bushel 3 pecks oats sold to purveyors of the lord
King in the month of December, price of a quarter 18d. 2s

Sum 25s 5¼d.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Corn bought

In 3 quarters wheat bought for seed 21s 20s price of a quarter 7s. 6s 8d In 2 quarters 4 bushels wheat
bought for seed 16s 8d, price of a quarter 6s 8d. In 3 quarters 2 bushels wheat bought* in the
months of June and July 32s 6d, 26s price of a quarter 10s. 8s In 2 quarters 1 bushel rye bought for
seed 12s 0½d,11s 4d price of a quarter 5s 8d.4d In 2 quarters 1 bushel barley bought for seed 9s 11d,2½d
price of a quarter 4s 8d.4d In 6 quarters 4 bushels large oats bought for seed# 17s 4d, 16s 4d price of a
quarter 2s 8d.6d In 7 quarters 3 bushels 1 peck small oats bought 11s 1¼d, price of a quarter 18d.
In 1 quarter 7 bushels maslin bought for servants 12s 6d, 11s 3d price of a quarter ½ mark. 6s

Sum £6 22¾d.

* according to the Wheat section of Issues of the Grange, this was also bought for seed

# according to the Oats section of Issues of the Grange, only 2 quarters 6 bushels of this purchase was for seed

Fruit, vegetables and other plants

The sale of pears [pirum] was recorded in the ‘Issues of the manor’ account in 1290/91, 1294/95 and 1295/96.72

An unspecified amount of cider [cisera/sicera] from stock was consumed as harvest expenses in 1280/81,73 but
there is no record of cider-making until 1290/91 when the ‘Foreign expenses’ [Expense forinsece] account recorded
14d spent ‘in the expenses as regards 5 carters carrying the cider-press [pressura/pressorium] from Aldenham’, 4s
0½d in the purchase of 6.125 quarters of apples, and 16d in repairing 10 casks or jars [dolium] for cider.74 The cider
account continues until 1302/03.75 No mention is made of apples [pomum] harvested on the manor, presumably
because they were gathered by the household servants, incurring no costs, and were all consumed in making cider.
In 1292/93 1 cask was recorded as being ‘putrid’ [putrid] and one ‘sour’ [acetum].76 In 1295/96 the 2 new casks
of cider were made with 3 quarters 6 bushels of apples received from the reeve of Battersea, and no more cider
production was recorded on the manor, though in 1332/33 one pipe [pipa], equivalent to half a cask, remained in
stock from the previous year.77 However, a cider press, though without its apparatus, remained on the manor in
1346 (see pages 24-5).78 There is no record of any of the cider being consumed within the manor after 1280/81,
the bulk being sold, while some was sent to Battersea and Echelford in 1291/92. In that year 1 full cask was used
for topping up other casks.

Garden fruits

Two gardens are mentioned in the 1312 Extent – ‘a certain garden with curtilage containing half an acre and it is
worth per annum 3s. Likewise they say that there is there near the church a certain enclosure called Neuburygardyne,
whereof pasturage is worth per annum 6d’.79 The ‘Issues of the manor’ accounts give the income from sale of garden
fruits [de fructii gardini vend] as shown in the chart below. In 1312/13 all were taken by the King’s ministers.80
Chroniclers record that in 1290 ‘the crop of fruit entirely failed through all parts of England, both in the gardens
and hedges, except apples and acorns’.81

Vegetables and other plants

The ‘Petty necessities’ account for 1345/46 records expenditure on various plants: ‘In hempseeds [canabbis] bought
for sowing in the garden 6d. In planting vegetables [holerum] bought for planting there 3d.’ The following year the
same section of the account records 3d spent ‘in planting vegetables and leeks [porrum] bought for the yard’ (see
extract on page 22). Leeks had also been purchased in 1290/91, but are not mentioned in other rolls.82

In 1302/03 and again in 1303/04 a man was paid 2d for a day spent pruning and repairing vines [in vineis scindent
et reparand]. No other mention of vines is made in the extant rolls. The grapes were probably used to make verjuice
[viride succum], a kind of vinegar, as in 1303/04 a 3-gallon barrel was bought for verjuice. The, presumably empty,
barrel is listed in an inventory of 1304.83

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

How each cask of cider
was accounted for

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

incoming cider

brought forward

made

filling other casks

sold

sent to other manors

carried forward

outgoing cider

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Straw, stubble and chaff

The grain was not the only part of the cereal plants to be of use to the medieval cultivator. The straw [stramen], the
stubble [stipula] and the chaff [palea] were also highly valued. At harvest time the ears were cut off high up on the
stalks, leaving the stubble standing. Later the straw was gathered, either for thatching or bedding, or to be cut and
mixed with hay as fodder. What still remained in the ground provided grazing for the manor livestock, or might be
leased to tenants for grazing, the resulting manure enriching the soil.

The ears were stacked to dry, and then stored safely until threshing and winnowing. The straw and chaff were then
swept up, the chaff being fed to livestock. Straw was used as bedding or as fodder in cowsheds, dairy and stables.
When soiled it was piled up outside, to be carted to the fields and ploughed in before spring sowing (see page 113).84

The Morden account rolls normally ignore these valuable items, except when surpluses were sold, or supplies had to
be bought because of shortages on the manor. Couch-grass [quiches] sometimes appears in the ‘Issues of the manor’
accounts, usually stating that none was sold, though sales are recorded in years following severe murrain.85

In 1312/13 three cartloads of straw were ‘sold’ to the king’s ministers for 2 shillings. The following year straw was
again ‘sold for the use of the king’ for 1s 2d (see page 187).86

The ‘Petty necessities’ account records payment of 1s 3d in 1291/92 for mowing 5 acres of stubble. In 1292/93 6d
was paid for cutting down and gathering 1½ acres of stubble, while 4 acres of stubble were sold for 2 shillings. In
1345/46 a payment of 5d was made for cutting stubble, no acreage being specified.87

Both purchased straw and gathered stubble were used for thatching. The ‘Cost of buildings’ account for 1307/08
records payment of 2s 3d to 6 women, working for 3 days at 1½d a day, cutting and collecting stubble for thatch. The
‘Labour services accounts’ [Compotus operum] also often include cutting stubble for thatch, ranging from 4 ‘works’
in 1357/58 to 48 in 1329/30 (see page 117).88 Rye stalks were especially valued for thatch, because of their length.89

In 1350/51 and 1353/54 the Rectory accounts mention the sale of straw and chaff arising from the threshing of tithe
corn; in the former year it was bought for the manor. In 1352/53 all the Rectory straw and chaff was ‘expended in
manor livestock’. In 1320/21 all the Rectory straw and chaff went to the thresher.90 The Rectory barn was also the
source of ‘forage’ [foragium] bought for 2s 6d in 1302/03. Presumably forage was bought when there was a shortage
of fodder on the manor. In 1295/96 6s 8d was spent on forage for oxen and 6d on heath [brueria] ‘because of the
lack of straw’. In 1304/05 12s 6d was spent over the year in forage, the auditor noting ‘so much because 9 cartloads
had been taken by the king’s ministers’. In 1342/43 28s 6d was spent on purchasing forage ‘for sustenance of animals’,
even though two men had been hired for 3½ days mowing forage.91

Sales and purchases of straw, stubble and chaff

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

sold

shillings

part year only

purchased

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

straw sold

stubble sold

couch-grass sold

straw bought for fodder

chaff bought for fodder

straw & chaff bought for fodder

heath bought for fodder

forage bought for fodder

straw bought for thatch

stubble bought for thatch

Extracts from CUL Kk 5.29 f.40r , an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

Meadow: Likewise they say that there are there of meadow for mowing, by the same perch, 2 acres and a
half, and it is common pasture between Michaelmas and the feast of the Purification of Blessed
Mary, namely in Croft next to the Court 1 acre worth 2s. In Eylond 1½ acres, worth 18d [per acre].

Total value of the aforesaid meadow 4s 3d.

Pasture: Likewise they say that there are there of pasture, by the same perch, 35 acres ½ rood, which is
common between Michaelmas and the feast of the Purification of Blessed Mary, namely in Croft
next to the Court 2 acres 3 roods, in Comstrod 1 acre 3 roods, worth 8d per acre; in Gillenmede
3 roods, in Litlem[er]sche 6½ acres, Magna m[er]sche 15 acres, worth 6d per acre; in Bereworth
1 acre 2½ roods worth 10d per acre; in Swynes mede 6 acres 3 roods, worth 8d per acre.

Total value of the aforesaid pasture 20s 1¼d [actually totals 19s 11¾d].

Income from sale of grazing

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-531355-561358-59horsescattlesheeppigsunspecified
50

48

46

44

42

40

38

36

34

32

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

0

for horses

for cattle

for sheep

for pigs

unspecified

shillings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Meadow and pasture

Although the 1312 Extent takes care to list meadow [pratum] and pasture [pastura] separately (see facing page),92 the
accounts show that they were in fact treated in the same way. The Extent states that both were ‘common pasture from
the feast of St Michael to the feast of the Purification of Blessed Mary’ – meaning that between 29 September and 2
February the tenants of the manor were expected to let their livestock graze on, and deposit their soil-enriching manure
on, the grass. The starting date of 29 September allowed the grass to recover from the mowing normally undertaken
around mid-summer, and the closing date ensured that the new spring growth would not be damaged. 2 February
was also the final date that tenants had rights of common in the arable fields, according to an agreement of April 1526
‘by the steward and all the tenants both free and customary and all the farmers [ie lessees] … that all their land lying
in all the common fields … henceforth each year immediately after the feast of the Purification of blessed Mary are to
be several and that none of them have rights of common in the land beyond that without licence …’.93

The c.1225 Custumal states that customary tenants were required to mow the meadows and lift and carry the hay,
but the earliest account rolls reveal that the mowing obligation had been commuted to a money payment, over and
above annual rent, of ‘2s from the men of Ewell and Morden to aid the mowing of the demesne meadow’.94 From
1288 this payment was replaced by ‘a certain payment which is called medsilver’, totalling 2s 8d, and calculated at
the rate of 2d per virgate holding.95 The extant accounts reveal that mowing was done by piecework [ad tascum], the
basic rate of pay ranging from 4d an acre, between 1288/89 and 1295/96, through 5d, 6d, and 8d an acre, increasing
to 10d an acre in 1348/49, due to the ‘scarcity of labour’ in the plague year (see pages 121, 181). The other haymaking
obligations continued, however, and certain customary payments at haymaking are recorded in the ‘Hoeing and
mowing’ section of the account rolls until 1349 – rye-bread and cheese being provided ‘in expenses of haymaking
by custom’, the bushel of rye for bread being replaced by 1 bushel of servants’ maslin from 1311.96 Occasionally
customary labour services were used to help with the tedding [spargere] of the hay after it was mown.97

Before 1311, only the total cost of piecework mowing is given, but thereafter more detail is provided. From 1311 to
1314 a separate payment of 1s 2d is given for mowing Eylond, and from 1317 the costs of mowing Newburygarden
(sometimes called Newburymede), Comstrod, Bereworth, and Gillenmede are specified.98 Between 1349/50 and
1358/59 there are entries for mowing 2 or 3 acres of meadow and headlands in West Morden formerly held by
tenants, but which had come into the lord’s hand as a result of the plague.99 In 1320/21, 1322/23, 1324/25 and 1356/57
Medhawe is also mentioned.100 No separate mention is made of the Croft next to the Court nor of Swynesmede,
both listed in the 1312 Extent (see page 13), and ‘Mukel’ Marsh is only mentioned as mown in 1312, though it is
mentioned with Little Marsh in 1335/36, when both were being used as pasture and not mown.101

These grasslands were not mown every year. Newburygarden was not mentioned in 1329/30-1330/31 or 1348/49-
1351/52, had ‘no grass’ in 1332/33, was used for pasture in 1335, was ‘waste’ in 1341, was depastured by the lord’s
yearlings in 1346/47 and 1347/48, but was mown in the other years until 1353/54. Comstrod was not mown in
1335/36, nor after 1348/49, and in 1339/40 it was recorded for Comstrod, Gillenmede and Bereworth that they
were ‘not mown because of the dryness of the time’. Gillenmede was not mentioned in 1327/28, 1329/30, or after
1348/49, and was not mown in 1335/36. Bereworth was not mentioned in 1330/31, 1335/36, or after 1342/43. It was
described as ‘waste’ in 1341/42.102 However, in some years a second crop [secunda vestura] was mown in Eylond.103

Sales of hay [fenum] were few and far between. In 1290/91 6s 9d was recorded under ‘Issues of the manor’ for
hay sold, and in 1292/93 ‘4s for 1 stack of hay [mullon feni] in the meadow sold’. In 1308/09 6s was received ‘for 8
cartloads of hay sold, taken by ministers of the lord King’, and in 1312/13 ‘2s 6d for 1 cartload of hay taken by the
same’ plus 2s for 3 cartloads of straw. Again in 1313/14 we find ‘2s for hay and vetches taken for the use of the lord
Edward de Manle’ plus 1s 2d for straw ‘taken for the use of the king’ (see page 187).104

In 1345/46 the ‘Petty necessities’ account records ‘In hay bought for sustenance of carthorses because hay had been
taken by purveyors of the lord king and expended 7s 6d.’ Hay was also bought each year from 1302/03 to 1304/05, in
1313/14, and in 1348/49, though the hay of one of the plague victims was sold in the latter year. In 1355/56 we read
of the purchase of ‘5 cartloads hay … for sustenance of sheep 25s’ and in 1356/57 ‘1 cartload of hay for sustenance of
ewes in winter 40d’. This was during the manor’s experiment with sheep rearing (see page 71).105

The ‘sale’ of pasture frequently appears in the ‘Issues of the manor’ account, producing money and manure from
the grazing of livestock belonging to tenants and neighbours (see chart on facing page). These included le Medhawe
(1291/92-1293/94), Hagghethorne (between 1304/05 and 1308/09), and 1 acre at Blakeheg’ (1355/56), as well as
arable fields in their fallow year or for longer periods. Also listed is the grazing of various ditches – by the road to
the church, between the marsh and Spital, besides Wolwardscrofte, and at Snakehullesheude. In 1329/30 200 lambs
were recorded ‘being weaned in the lord’s pasture’ at 1d each.106 After the Black Death pasturelands included various
tenant lands that had come into the lord’s hand. In the 1350s many of the pastures formerly ‘sold’ were occupied
by ‘the lord’s sheep’ or his oxen.107

The common pasture called Sparrowfeld was subject to frequent disputes with neighbouring manors (see page 173).

Woodland, trees and undergrowth

No mention is made of demesne woodland in the 1312 Extent. The first clear reference to woodland in Morden
dates from 1616 when George Garth, lord of the manor of Morden, leased to his son-in-law, David Benet, ‘coppices
or wood ground namely Hunger Hill Ruffett of 3 acres more or less, Long Hill Ruffett of 24 acres more or less, Old
Morden Ruffett of 4 acres more or less, Cumbestrood Ruffett of 8 acres 3 roods more or less’.108

Hunger Hill was in the Stonecot Hill area, part of the tenants’ open arable field called the Southfield. In 1516 there
is reference to ‘Hungerhyll Vyrsyn’ in a list of John Hyller’s copyhold lands.109 A 1553 plan or ‘plott’ of Morden
Common shows two closes, one labelled ‘fyrsey’, the other ‘close’ (see pages 27, 173).110 Hungerhyll Vyrsyn, later
‘Hunger Hill Ruffett’, may well have comprised one or both of these.

In 1745 ‘Langhill wood, piece or parcell of wood ground now grubbed up or intended to be grubbed up containing
8½ acres’, was a remnant of Long Hill Ruffett.111 In 1768 ‘Longhill Wood’, at 11 acres 2 roods 8 perches, became part
of the Morden Park estate, which was formed out of former demesne arable land.112

Old Mordons was a close between Lower Morden Lane and the East Pyl Brook, adjoining the London-Epsom Road,
part of plot 91 in the 1838 Tithe Apportionment.113 It had been tenants’ arable in earlier centuries.114 Old Morden
Ruffett was presumably the same as the ‘close called Old Morden Furzes containing 4 acres’ in a lease of 1579.115

Part of Cumbestrood Ruffett was added to the Morden Park estate in 1784,116 and is now known as Cherry Wood.
A larger part, included in the lands of Lower Morden Farm, was grubbed up in the 18th century.117 The ruffett was
probably the area referred to as ‘Le Gretefyrsyn’ in Combstrodeclose’ in 1521, and as ‘Bowhill Furzes’ in leases of
1579 and 1624.118 A Bowhill Close adjoined east on Combstrode in a lease of 1579.112 Bowhill had formerly been
tenants’ arable land,119 whereas 13¼ acres ‘in Comstrod’ were part of the demesne arable in 1312, and a further 1¾
acres there were demesne pasture.

The references to ‘furzes’ which later became ‘ruffets’ suggest that these woods originated in patches of rough, furze-
covered ground in the 16th century – probably marginal land that had fallen out of cultivation during the 14th or
15th centuries – and that they had not been woodland when the Extent was made in 1312.

The account rolls record the regular collection of firewood [focalium or bosca], required for domestic use, from the
abbey’s woods at Penge between 1290/91 and 1313/14 (see page 165). Timber [maeremium] was occasionally felled
at their estate at Claygate, such as that required for repairs to the chancel in 1356/57. Merstham was another source
of timber, as well as of stone.120 Other timber was purchased, for buildings, especially the mill, and for ploughs, carts,
harrows and other equipment.121 Old timbers were also reused – after the mill was rebuilt in 1312/13, timbers from
the old mill were reused for groundsills for the stable and hayhouse (see pages 11, 15).122

However, small quantities of timber were felled in Morden over the years, mostly ash [fraxinus] and elm [ulmus],
sawn into boards for building repairs. Some were sent to Westminster in 1339/40, and two ash trees were felled and
sawn into boards for the queen’s ministers in 1304/05 (see page 187). In the latter year 4 bushels of oats were given
to save the ‘great ash tree behind the barn’ from being taken. It is not clear if this was the same as ‘the great ash tree
beside the solar’, felled and sawn into boards. Only 2 oaks [quercus] are recorded as being felled, both of them in
1294/95, one for timber for the gate and the other for a gutter in le Mershe.123

The extant leases of 1499, 1503 and 1511 conveyed to the farmer of the demesne the right to take wood in the manor
for fuel [firebote] and for repairing hedges [heybote], ploughs [ploughbote], carts [cartbote], and houses [housbote],
without being liable to ‘impeachment for waste’ (see extracts on pp 138-9, 145).124

The court rolls also refer to trees on villein tenements being felled without licence.125 In May 1396 John Carpenter
was presented at the manorial court for felling 12 elms in his villein tenement, valued at 2d each. In November
1397 he was presented again for felling a further 18 elms, valued at 3d each. In October 1499 the vicar of Morden
was presented for felling and carrying away 24 elms in West Morden, and again in May 1500 for felling a further 7
elms.126 Tenants were only entitled to undergrowth, loppings and dead wood lying on their ground, and could only
take timber if specifically authorised by the lord of the manor.

It is likely that most of these trees would have been hedgerow trees. In June 1391 William Berenger was presented
at the manorial court for having willow branches extending over the highway, and in April 1488 the farmer of
Ravensbury, an independent manor within Morden and Mitcham, was presented because branches of trees were
growing over the highway in East Morden. But there were trees elsewhere. The court roll for May 1516 records
the felling of 4 trees on Sparrowfeld, the great expanse of common pasture shared, and frequently disputed, by the
inhabitants of Morden, Cheam, Malden, Cuddington and Ewell (see page 173).127

In 1345/46 there is a record of 50 willow plants [salicia] being purchased for planting in places within the manor, at
a total cost of 4d. Withies [virga] were used in thatching and in making baskets and hurdles. The records mention
several purchases of withies, but at least one basket was made from the manor’s own withies.128

55

LIVESTOCK AND THEIR
PRODUCE 1280-1358

Ploughing with oxen

based on a MS of Piers Plowman

from C Macfarlane and T Thomson The Comprehensive History of England II (1876) p.516

56 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

LIVESTOCK ACCOUNT

Carthorses

Draught

horses

Colts

Oxen

The same answers for 2 carthorses from the remaining. Sum 2. And there remain 2 carthorses.

The same answers for 2 female draught horses from the remaining. And for 1 three-year-old
male colt found by examination on making the account roll. And for 2 draught horses, of which
1 male, in exchange for 1 ox as below. Sum 5.

Of which in murrain 1 female. And there remain 4 draught horses, of which 2 male and 2 female.

The same answers for 1 female colt aged 1½ years received from the remaining. And there
remains 1 female colt aged 2½ years.

For colts of issue none this year because they continued to work.

The same answers for 18 oxen from the remaining, of which 1 in the custody of Richard Edward
late reeve there. Sum 18.

Of which in murrain 1.witnessed by bailiff In exchange for 2 draught horses as above 1 ox. Sum 2.
And there remain 16 oxen.

1298-99
1301-02
1304-05
1307-08
1310-11
1313-14
1316-17
1319-20
1322-23
1325-26
1328-29
1331-32
1334-35
1337-38
1340-41
1343-44
1346-47
1349-50
1352-53
1355-56
HORSES
OXEN
Quarters of oats consumed by oxen and horses

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43
1280-81
1283-84
1286-87
1289-90
1292-93
1295-96
1298-99
1301-02
1304-05
1307-08
1310-11
1313-14
1316-17
1319-20
1322-23
1325-26
1328-29
1331-32
1334-35
1337-38
1340-41
1343-44
1346-47
1349-50
1352-53
1355-56
HORSES
OXEN
40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

by horses

by oxen

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

livestock and their products 1280-1358 57

Working animals – horses and oxen

The development of the padded horse-collar and the associated harness (see pages 18-21) enabled horses to be used for
general draught work that had hitherto been done by oxen, both in agricultural contexts and in transport. By the 13th
century in England the horse had replaced the ox for most haulage tasks and for harrowing, and was also often used in
conjunction with the ox for ploughing [ad carucam]. Horses were faster and had more stamina than oxen, though they
were not so surefooted as oxen on heavy clay soils. Horses were also more versatile than oxen, so that lesser landowners
and peasants could use the same horses for ploughing, harrowing and carting, though the evidence of heriots paid on
the death of customary tenants shows that many had oxen (see pages 182-3). Certainly on the larger estates, even one
as small as the manor of Morden, there was sufficient work to justify specialist teams for each task.1

The best horses were used as carthorses [equus carectarius], and the lesser ones as draught horses [affrus] also called
stotts [stottus].

The manor carts and their horses were used for a variety of tasks. They regularly transported grain from the manor of
Morden to Westminster Abbey, though this task was shared with tenants who owed ‘carrying service’ [averagium] with
their own horses (see page 131). The abbey was also entitled to the tithes of tenants’ grain (see page 151), and these
too were often transported in the manor’s carts. Thus in 1351/52 the ‘Labour services’ account records 32 carrying
services ‘in carrying 8 quarters wheat and 8 quarters barley to Westminster, per quarter 2 carrying services, and no
more because 8 quarters oats from the Rectory and 2 quarters dredge of the demesne were carried to Westminster by
manor carthorse’.2

In 1342/43 the Oats section of the ‘Issues of the grange’ account records ‘the great carting of timber and clay to do with
the repairing of the mill’ (see page 17), and the manor carts and carthorses were used again in 1355/56, in fetching timber
from Claygate for repairing the mill.3

The abbey officials could also require the manor carts to collect grain from other manors. For example, in 1330/31
the ‘Bailiff’s expenses’ account included 6d paid ‘in expenses of 2 men going with the manor carts’ to fetch grain from
Ashwell in Hertfordshire and to deliver it to Westminster. At that time the keeper of the granary at Westminster Abbey
was brother John de Asshwell.4

The king’s ministers also commandeered Morden’s manorial carthorses – in 1356/57 1 bushel of oats was accounted for ‘in
payment for 2 manor carthorses taken for the use of the lord king for doing carrying services to Chertsey’ (see page 187).5

But the carthorses also worked around the manor itself. In 1345/46 the reeve claimed 4d in the ‘Cost of the mill’ account
‘in 1 man hired for 2 days stopping up and repairing breaches of the river in places with help from servants and manor
carts’. The claim was disallowed by the auditor because the work had all been done by the manor servants, with the
manor carts and carthorses.6

They also had the dubious privilege of hauling dung out of the court in 1356/57, and of pulling both dung-carts and
harrows in 1323/24. Harrowing was also one of their tasks in 1349/50, 1350/51 and 1357/58.7

Carting dung was another of the labour services customarily required of tenants, though it was one that was often
commuted for a money payment (see page 113).

Harrowing, however, was really the task of the manor’s draught horses. The ‘Oats’ accounts record extra fodder for them
while harrowing at the winter and/or Lenten sowings in 1335/36, 1340/41, 1341/42 and 1352/53.8 They also received
extra rations when they harrowed after lunch [post prandium]!9

The ‘Plough costs’ account records payment for shoeing draught horses, on their front feet only, before harvest. No
further details are normally given, but in 1341/42 a payment of 4d was recorded ‘in shoeing 2 draught horses on their
front feet, pulling the second cart raised before harvest in aid for carrying the lord’s corn’. So the draught horses aided
the carthorses in transporting the harvest from the fields.10

The account roll for 1288/89 refers to ‘carthorses and plough-horses’ [equi carectarii et affri carrucarii].11 Langdon12
suggests that, when the ratio of draught horses to oxen was 1:4 or higher, some of the horses would have been used in
mixed plough-teams with the oxen – often 2 horses with either 8 oxen or 4 oxen, the horses acting as pace-setters. In
Morden there were seldom less than 16 oxen, while draught horses numbered 4 or 5 in most years, so the ratio meets
Langdon’s criterion. The fact that the expense of shoeing draught horses is always entered under ‘Plough costs’ might
also support the argument, but there is no conclusive evidence. It may be significant that in 1319/20, when murrain
killed 9 of the 16 oxen and 4 more were sold because ‘infirm’, leaving just 3 oxen, 4 draught horses were purchased. Only
1 ox was bought the following year, and 2 more the year after that, when 2 steers were also added to the oxen, bringing
the total to 8.13

Oxen were more expensive to buy than draught horses (see page 84), but less expensive to feed. Oxen could be fed mainly
on grass, though they consumed some oats, in sheaves, in winter, but horses need a high proportion of grain in their
diet, especially in the winter months, as reflected in the ‘Oats’ accounts (see chart at foot of facing page).14

Horses in the Livestock Accounts

REF

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

outgoings

incomings

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

The Livestock account – carthorses, draught horses and colts

The ‘Livestock account’ for the manor of Morden usually lists a couple of carthorses and four or five draught horses.
No mention was made of the gender of the manor’s draught horses until 1302/03, when a mare [jumenta] came from
Battersea, (see pages 168-171) only to be sold the following year.15 Another mare, from Echelford manor in Ashford,
Middlesex, arrived in 1306/07, but was sold the next year, when another mare was purchased. The four draught horses
purchased in 1310/11 were mares, and until 1314 all four draught horses were mares.16 By 1321 there was one male
and four females, the four mares having been purchased in 1319/20, 17 and thereafter there were usually both male and
female draught horses working on the manor.

The mares could be used for breeding, though often they were worked too hard for this. In 1345/46 and 1346/47 the
accounts record that there were no colts [pullanus] of issue [exitus] ‘because they [ie the mares] worked all year’.18 Only
18 colts are recorded in the extant rolls, the first of which was 2½ years old when first mentioned in 1310/11. It must
have been born in 1307/08, but no colt of issue was recorded in that year’s account roll, so it was probably brought in
from outside the manor.19 Only six colts are recorded as being born to mares belonging to the manor, though in 1332/33
a colt was born to a mare straying into the manor.20 In 1312/13 two colts of issue were brought from Battersea, and in
1344/45 a colt of issue was brought from Greenford in Middlesex.21

A colt would be listed in each year’s account roll until its fourth year, when it was counted as an adult, and put to work.
However, if there was a need, a colt could be set to work sooner. Thus in 1335/36 a 2-year-old colt was included with the
adults, though another of the same age remained listed as a colt.22 In 1345/46 and 1346/47 two colts were pastured in
Coombe Park for the summer months, at a cost of 8d the first year and a shilling the second year. Perhaps one of these
was the forgotten 3-year-old colt that the auditor ‘found by examination on making the account roll’.23 It is not clear
whether this was neighbouring Coombe in Kingston or the abbey’s manor of Combe in Greenwich, but as the abbey
manors did not normally charge one another when exchanging stock, the former may be the more likely location.

Adult horses were also supplied by the abbey’s manors of Battersea and Greenford, as well as Teddington, also in
Middlesex.24 Others were purchased, while some arrived from local sources. Horses were often the ‘best beast’ paid as
heriot on the death of a tenant (see page 183). Others arrived as strays and, if unclaimed after a year and a day, were
added to the manorial stock (see page 83). The possessions of felons were forfeited to the lord of the manor so, in 1306/07,
a mare was among the possessions forfeited by John Schutte, who had been hanged (see page 183).25 But the manor
was also the victim of local crime, two mares being stolen in 1330/31, another in 1351/52, and a male draught horse in
1342/43, 1348/49 and 1349/50. A carthorse was stolen in 1282/83 and another in 1355/56.26

Horses were valuable, and the accounts often record the treatment of sick horses. In 1287/88 1s 4d was expended in the
wages of a farrier [marescallus] for shoeing carthorses ‘and treating draught horses for malum linguae’, a term normally
translated as foot and mouth disease, though horses cannot contract that disease. Similarly in 1295/96 a shilling was
spent ‘in treating 3 draught horses for malum linguae’.27 In both cases the treatment was apparently successful, as no
horses were reported as having died during the accounting year. The verb used here was sano, but later marescallo was
used instead, as in 1322/23, when 6d was spent ‘in treating one infirm horse’, again successfully.28 In 1345/46 1s 6d was
spent ‘in treating an infirm carthorse’, but the treatment may not have been successful, as one carthorse died that year
‘of murrain’ [morina] a term used to cover any animal disease. In 1329/30 a payment of 6d was recorded in the ‘Cost of
carts’ account ‘for sawing [perhaps filing] the teeth of an old horse’, which apparently survived the treatment.29 If a horse
died of murrain its hide was either sold or white-tawed and used for repairing harnesses (see page 69), but its flesh would
not be eaten, as horsemeat was not acceptable for food. So it was more common for old and infirm horses to be sold. No
doubt there was a ready market among the local peasantry for even the oldest and weakest horse.

Sometimes the reason for sale is recorded in the ‘Sale of
livestock’ section of the accounts. These include an old
carthorse for 9s 4d in 1355/56, an old draught horse for 4
shillings in 1311/12, an old mare for 3s 10d in 1327/28, a sick
draught horse for 10½d in 1288/89 and another for 2s 1d
in 1290/91, an infirm one for 3s 4d in 1335/36, one ‘as if in
murrain’ for 1 shilling in 1339, and two ‘old and weak’ mares
in 1358/59 for 1s 6d the pair.30

In 1359 the manorial demesne of Morden was let to a tenant
farmer from another Westminster Abbey manor, Parham in
Sussex, with just the basic complement of 2 carthorses, 8 oxen,
8 geese, 1 cock and 12 hens.31 However, all the draught horses
and other excess livestock from the demesne were purchased
by the farmer (see page 135), so there was probably little
immediate change in the working of the estate.32

carthorses

mares

stotts

colts

female colts

KEY

stock remaining

issue born during year

stock bought or sold

local in or out

from or to other manors

dead from murrain

found or sold at audit

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same answers for 1 bull from the remaining. And there remains 1 bull.

The same answers for 12 cows from the remaining. Sum 12.

Of which in murrain before calving 2.1 Sum 1. And there remain 11 cows.

The same answers for 2 steers, of which 1 as a bull-calf, added from bullocks. And there remains
1 bull-calf, 1 steer.

The same answers for 1 heifer added from young heifers. And there remains 1 heifer.

The same answers for 1 bullock from the remaining. And for 1 received from Robert Blakemor
serviens of Greenford by 1 tally. And for 2 added from yearling calves. Sum 4.

Of which in addition above with steers 2, of which 1 as a bull-calf. Sum 2. And there remain 2
bullocks.

The same answers for 2 young heifers from the remaining. And for 2 received of addition from
yearling calves. Sum 4.

Of which in murrain 1 of those from the remaining. 1 in addition above with heifers. Sum 2.
And there remain 2 young heifers.

The same answers for 2 calves from the remaining. And for 3 received from Robert Blakemor
serviens of Greenford by 1 tally above with bullocks.

And for 2 calves of issue of purchase from the farmer of the dairy. Sum 7.

Of which in murrain of those arising from Greenford above 1. In addition above with bullocks
2. Also in addition with young heifers 2. Sum 5. And there remain 2 calves.

Bulls

Cows

in the next roll
he answers for

12 cows in full.

Steers

Heifers

Bullocks

Young
heifers

Calves

The Livestock account – cattle

Cattle might be bred on the manor, brought in from other manors belonging to the abbey or purchased, probably at local
markets such as Kingston or Croydon. Or they might be obtained locally – claimed as heriot on the death of a tenant,
or forfeited by tenants found guilty of felony, such as John Schutte, hanged in 1306/07.33 Surplus stock might be sent to
other manors or sold. Old and infirm animals were sold, or sometimes slaughtered and their hides and meat sold, but
the manor did not breed cattle for meat. They were essentially working animals.

Several purchases of oxen [bos] are recorded, and others came from the abbey’s manors at Hampstead, Battersea, Hendon,
Greenford and Echelford (see pages 168-171). Unwanted oxen were likewise sent to Knightsbridge and Greenford
manors.34 In 1346/47 one ox was exchanged for two draught horses.35 Oxen offered for sale are usually described as ‘old’
[veter], ‘infirm'[infirmus], ‘weak’ [debilis] or ‘worn out’ [cronatus debilis], and one had a broken shin [tibia].36

But old and infirm oxen were sometimes slaughtered, the meat being salted and used to feed the workers at the harvest
boonworks, for whom meat normally had to be purchased (see pages 124-5). There was no concern that tainted meat
might be unsuitable for human consumption – harvest workers consumed one ox slaughtered in 1306/07 ‘because it
was sick and having falling disease [morbum caducum]’, and also the flesh of oxen ‘dead of murrain’ in 1311/12 and in
1313/14, though in 1332/33 the hide of a dead ox was sold but the meat was not ‘because a corpse [cadaver]’.37 In 1308
the serviens claimed that another old and weak ox was slaughtered for the harvest boonworks, but the auditor rejected
the claim, and the serviens was charged 11 shillings for it at the audit.38 In 1353/54 2 old oxen were sold for 24s 10d and
slaughtered for expenses at the Rectory.39 The sale, for 1 shilling, of the offal and grease [exitus et sepium] of a slaughtered
ox was recorded in 1295/96.40 In 1339/40 2s 2d was received from the sale of the hide and flesh of 1 ox from murrain.41
The extant account rolls record 23 oxen falling victim to murrain, nine of them in 1319/20 and four in 1352/53 (see
page 179).42 1319/20 also saw murrain claim 9 cows (the entire dairy herd) ‘immediately after Michaelmas’, as well as 1
heifer, 1 bullock and 2 yearlings, and a young heifer was ‘accounted given to St Antony’ – a term normally reserved for
the runt of a litter too weak to save, often abbreviated to ‘tantony’.43

About half of the extant accounts record a bull [taurus] on the manor, together with a herd of cows [vacca] reaching a
high of 14 between 1348 and 1351. Some cows are recorded as being sterile [sterilis], but 10 calves [vitulus] were born
in 1348/49, and 8 or 9 was a not uncommon total. The lowest recorded issue was 3 in 1327/28, when there were just 3
cows in stock.44 The vicar was entitled to his tithe (see page 153). In 1287/88 one calf was accounted for ‘in expenses of
the steward’,45 but the majority of calves were sold in their first year, and only occasionally were more than two or three
kept in stock.

In 1290/91 the meat of a cow dead of murrain was sold for 14d, but this is the only such reference.46 In 1341/42 one cow
was sold at 4 shillings ‘because weak and also for fear of murrain’ [quia debilis et eciam pro timore morine]. As with oxen,
cows offered for sale were usually described as ‘old’, ‘infirm’, ‘worn out’ or ‘sterile’. One old cow, ‘infirm and not in milk’
[infirma et nihil lactante], was sold for 6 shillings in 1304/05. Two, ‘dry and worn out’ [siccus et cronatus], were sold at 7
shillings each in 1350/51, and another old cow, because ‘unfit for stock’ [non habet pro stauro], at 8 shillings in 1353/54.47

Younger cattle were also sold if they were inadequate in any way. Three bullocks were sold for 6 shillings each in 1311/12
because they were ‘not growing’ [sine cressentia], and an unsuitable bull-calf was sold in 1342/43.48

A calf that remained in stock progressed through various stages year by year – a yearling [annualis] became a bullock
[boviculus], a term used for both male and female. The female bullock, sometimes called a young heifer [juvencula],
became a heifer [juvenca], and was added to the dairy herd, being called a cow only once it had produced a calf. The
male bullock followed one of two routes. It might become a steer [bovettus] to be added to the manor’s oxen, or a bull-
calf [taurellus] to become a bull. In 1282/83 a bull-calf became the manorial bull, and its predecessor was added to the
manor’s oxen.49 Langdon points out that, although oxen were non-breeding adult male cattle, there is seldom any record
of their being castrated, whereas the castration of pigs and lambs is occasionally recorded.50 Castration, if it was practised,
presumably did not take place at the bullock stage, as a bullock might end up either as a bull or an ox. Surprisingly the
1340/41 account records a castrated bull [taurus castratus].51 A bull-calf that might have taken its place was sold in
1342/43 ‘because weak and of no profit for the lord to maintain’ [quia debilis et non ad proficium domini tenendum],
which may explain the entry for calves in both 1341/42 and 1342/43 which reads ‘For calves of issue nothing to answer
for because too weak to be weaned’ [quia debilis ad separandum]. The account for 1343/44 is not extant, but the roll
for 1344/45 records the death of a bull from murrain, and the purchase of a bull-calf as its immediate replacement.52 A
castrated bull joined the oxen to make up the team after the murrain destroyed 9 oxen in 1319/20.53

The dairy herd at this time was leased to a ‘farmer’ [firmarius], meaning one who paid a fixed rate per head of cattle,
and who took the dairy products [lactagium] for his own profit. The dairy products included milk, butter and cheese,
and sometimes the calves of issue (see pages 66-7). (A study of the abbey’s manor of Kinsbourne, Hertfordshire, defines
lactagium as a fixed payment for dairy products and calves, later replaced by more formal leasing of the cows, but this
does not appear to fit the situation in Morden, as there are references to lactagium being sold by the gallon.)54

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

outgoing cattle

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

Cattle in the Livestock Accounts

REF

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

incoming cattle

oxen

bulls

cows

bull-calves

steers

heifers

young heifers

bullocks

yearlings

calves

KEY

stock remaining

issue born during year

stock bought or sold

local in or out

from or to other manors

dead from murrain

sold at audit

March April May June July August September October November

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

The cheese-
making season

arranged by calendar year
rather than account year, so
the roll numbers are aligned
between the years relating to
their account

(each gridline

represents 2 days)

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

31

29

27

25

23

21

19

17

15

13

11

9

7

5

3

1

29

27

25

23

21

19

17

15

13

11

9

7

5

3

1

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

2

31

29

27

25

23

21

19

17

15

13

11

9

7

5

3

1

29

27

25

23

21

19

17

15

13

11

9

7

5

3

1

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

30

28

26

24

22

20

18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

31

29

27

25

23

21

19

17

15

13

11

9

7

5

3

1

rowen cheese

made after Michaelmas

(production rate not given)

1 cheese a day

1 cheese every 2 days
(or longer)

There are no records relating
to cheese-making after 1308,
as the dairy was ‘at farm’
(see overleaf)

1280

1281

1282

1283

1284

1285

1286

1287

1288

1289

1290

1291

1292

1293

1294

1295

1296

1297

1298

1299

1300

1301

1302

1303

1304

1305

1306

1307

1308

The dairy herd and its products

Milk [lac] is never mentioned in the ‘Livestock’ account, though cash arising from the sale of surplus milk occasionally
appears in the ‘Issues of the manor’ section – 19 gallons in 1291, but only 2 gallons the following year.55 The milk was
mostly used to make cheese [caseus] and butter [butyrum]. Butter sales range from 3 gallons to 8 gallons a year.56 Butter
was sometimes an ingredient of a sheep-salve [unctura], made by mixing equal parts of butter, grease [pinguedo] or
fat [sagina] and tar-pitch [tarpicha], but this was towards the end of our period, when the dairy was leased at farm [ad
firmam], so the butter had to be purchased.

Cheese production depended on the amount of milk available, which varied according to the time of year and the
availability of grazing. Between late April / early May and September there was usually enough milk to produce a
cheese a day, though at the beginning and end of the ‘season’ there might only be enough milk to make one cheese every
two days. In 1296 cheese-making seems to have started very early in the year – the account records ’15 cheeses made
separately before the Monday after the feast of SS Tiburtius and Valerian. And for 167 cheeses made from that day until
Michaelmas, viz for each day 1 cheese’. The feast day is 14 April, so if cheeses were being made at the rate of 1 every 2
days, production would have started on 17 March.57 In 1302/03 7 cheeses were made ‘from accumulated milk before
beginning to make cheese every day’ [see extract below].58

Cheese made after Michaelmas (29 September, normally the end of the accounting year) was commonly called ‘rowen’
cheese [caseus de relucro].59 Only 1 rowen cheese was made in 1290-91, ‘because the rest sold as milk’, but 29 were made
in 1295. If this was at the rate of 1 cheese every 2 days, production would have continued until 26 November.60

The dairy worker was customarily given a cheese, and the vicar was entitled to his tithe (see page 153). Cheeses were
consumed by workers at haymaking and harvest (see pages 121, 124-5, 127), and by visiting officials (see page 91). Most
of the manor’s cheeses were sold, but between 1291 and 1294 a total of 60 cheeses, amounting to 1 wey in weight were
sent to the abbey.61 A wey [pondus] was a regionally variable measure later fixed at 2 cwt, but in 1288 an entry ‘for 9s
6¾d for 94 cheeses which make 1 wey and ½ quarter sold, price of a wey 8s 6d’, reveals that in Morden at that time a wey
was of 4 quarters.62 Cheeses were not always sold whole. Three accounts describe the sale as ‘per manum’ which appears
to mean ‘in pieces’ rather than by the whole cheese.63

Extract from WAM 27295, the account roll for the Morrow of Michaelmas 1302 to the Morrow of
Michaelmas 1303, reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

(There is no entry for dairy products in WAM 27321, as the dairy was leased at farm – see overleaf)

Cheeses

Butter

Eggs

The same renders account for 8 rowen cheeses. And for 7 cheeses made from accumulated milk
before beginning to make cheese every day. And for 110 cheeses made from the Tuesday next
after the feast of St Dunstan until the vigil of the nativity of blessed Mary,* both days counted,
viz for each day 1 cheese. And for 11 cheeses made from the same day until Michaelmas, viz
per 2 days 1 cheese.

Sum 136

Of which: In tithes 8. In customary payment to the dairymaid 1. In expenses at haymaking 1. In expenses as regards
harvest boonworks 16, containing 1 quarter. In household expenses in harvest 8 containing ½
quarter. In sale 102.

Sum as above. And none remains.

The same renders account for 5½ gallons butter of issue.

Of which: Delivered to brother R de Morden ½ gallon. In sale 5 gallons.

Sum as above. And none remains.

The same renders account for 300 eggs of issue. And sold. And none [remains].

* St Dunstan: 19 May; Nativity of Blessed Mary: 8 September

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Issues of the manor

The same answers for 6s for the farm of 12 hens for the year. And for 55s for farm of dairy
products from 11 cows with calves, per head 5s. And for 2s for the agistment* of 2 cows from
the feast of the Invention of Holy Cross until Michaelmas. And for 16d for the agistment of
4 bullocks for the same period. And for 8d for keeping pigs going with the lord’s pigs$ in
autumn. And for 2s for garden fruits this year.

Sum 67s.

* payment for pasture $ feeding on acorns, etc

income
per cow

-95-90-85-80-75-70-65-60-55-50-45-40-35-30-25-20-15-10-50510152025303540455055601280-811283-841286-871289-901292-931295-961298-991301-021304-051307-081310-111313-141316-171319-201322-231325-261328-291331-321334-351337-381340-411343-441346-471349-501352-53cheesebuttermilkcalvesDAIRY FARM
SUPPLIESBUILDINGPRODUCESTIPENDMASLIN
expenses income

The dairy –

income and expenditure

(in shillings)

(each complete pictogram

represents 5 shillings)

1.50

1.83

4.50

4.00

4.10

5.00

4.92

5.00

5.00

5.00

5.01

4.85

4.75

4.90

4.67

4.50

4.25

5.00

5.00

5.00

4.58

4.06

3.92

2.00

1.70

4.11

3.44

3.79

3.91

3.31

3.94

2.25

1.85

2.62

1.50

2.60

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

DAIRY INCOME

cheese sold or sent to the abbey

butter sold or sent to the abbey

milk sold

calves sold

farm of dairy (from 1310)

DAIRY EXPENDITURE

equipment & supplies bought

building repairs

dairy produce bought

dairy staff wages *

dairy staff maslin allowance * #

* this includes only staff specifically
described as dairy staff, and not any of
the stockmen, to compensate for the
fact that dairy staff also fulfilled other
functions.

# the value of maslin has been calculated
from prices quoted for purchase or sales,
or sales at the audit. If none occurred in
a year the nearest example has been
used – sometimes as much as 5 years
earlier or later!

95

90

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

(shillings)

The dairy at farm

The first reference to the dairy being leased at farm is in 1310/11, though the accounts for the previous two years are not
extant.64 In the autumn of 1319 murrain wiped out the entire dairy herd of 9 cows (see page 179), and no cows or dairy
produce are mentioned in the following accounts until 1324, when 1 cow from the heriot of William Fles’ was added to
the single cow brought forward from the previous year, for which the account is not extant.65 Throughout this period a
dairy worker was still employed, making servants’ pottage and winnowing half the corn.

The accounts for 1312/13 and 1313/14 specifically mention that the 25 shillings paid by the farmer was for ‘the farm of
the issue and dairy products of 5 cows for the year, for each cow 5 shillings’, so the calves of issue went to the farmer.66
Between 1327 and 1335 the calves were not included in the farm, which was reduced to 4 shillings per cow,67 but between
1339 and 1346 the calves were again included in the farm, which was returned to 5 shillings per cow.

These arrangements were in abeyance during the plague year (see page 181). The ‘Petty necessities’ account for 1348/49
lists expenditure of 1s 10d on the purchase for the dairy of 1 bushel of salt, cheese-cloths, 2 cheese-vats, 3 buckets, 3 clay
bowls and rennet, explaining that ‘the dairy was to the lord’s profit’. Heriots resulting from the death of tenants from
the Black Death added 6 cows to the 11 already on the manor, and 3 more came from the abbey’s manor of Teddington.
Four dry cows were sent to Greenford manor on 4 May 1349 ‘because not fit [abil] for stock’, and 2 others were sold. The
‘Livestock’ account concludes ‘And there remain 14 cows, of which 10 milked by the dairy worker for the whole year’.
The ‘Issues of the manor’ account does not record individual sales of milk, butter and cheeses, but has a single entry
similar to the entry for the farm of the dairy in previous years: ’41 shillings for the total profit from dairy products from
10 cows for the year and 4 cows for part together with calves of issue sold as appears item by item’, to which the auditor
adds ‘of which 10 cows for each cow 3s 6d and 4 cows for each 18d’.68

However, the farm arrangement was operating the following year, when 56 shillings was raised from the farm of dairy
products with calves, but at only 4 shillings per cow. The rate increased to 4s 6d per cow the next year, when the account
records ’54s for dairy products and the farm of 12 cows with calves leased this year, per head 4s 6d. And for 6s 9d for
the dairy products of 1 sterile cow and 2 cows added this year, per head 2s 3d.’69

In 1351/52 the dairy herd was dispersed, despite the addition of a heifer and another cow from heriot, bringing the total
to 16 cows. The ‘Livestock’ account records ‘Of which in murrain upon Le Wether in January 1 cow. Also delivered to
William Lorchonn reeve of Teddington in January before calving 5 cows by 1 tally. Also delivered to William ate Shamele
reeve of Greenford in April before calving 10 cows by 1 tally of which 2 after calving and 3 calves with cows [ie 3 pregnant
cows] and 5 not calving. Sum as above. And none remain.’ The ‘Issues of the manor’ account records, ‘For the farm of
dairy products nothing this year because no profit arising from the said within the time of the account apart from 2
calves sold above’, but then adds, ‘And for 8d for the dairy products of 2 cows besides calves until the last day of April’.70
This was not quite the end of dairy farming in medieval Morden, however. The next year an attempt was made to restock
with 12 cows from the abbey’s manor of Greenford, but 3 died of murrain in February and April, before calving, and 5
were sterile. Only two produced calves, which were sold, and the herd was sent back to Greenford, except for 2 ‘dry and
sterile’ cows, sold the following year.71

The farm of the dairy herd, at around 5 shillings per cow, compares well with the income derived from the sale of dairy
products, including calves, in the earlier years. If the value of dairy products sent to Westminster Abbey is included, the
income per cow ranged from 1s 6d in 1281/82 to 4s 7d in 1302/03.72 However, the production costs must also be taken
into account in the early years, as must the cost of purchasing essential dairy products in the years when the dairy was
at farm.

In the earlier period the ‘Petty necessities’ account frequently recorded items purchased for the dairy – consumables
such as salt [sal] and rennet [coagula], as well as linen cloth [pannus and cheseclothes], cheese vats [chesevat’], presses
[pressura], churns [cherna], pots [olla], pans [patella], dishes [discus and pelvis] and plates [platella].73 The inventories
included in some accounts also mention cheese moulds [formula], buckets [bokettus] and tables for setting out the
cheeses [tabula ad caseos supponendos/inponend] (see page 24).74

The largest cost was in staffing, but the stockmen and dairy workers were not solely involved in dairying, and it is not
possible to separate the proportion of staffing costs relating purely to dairying. The chart at the foot of the facing page
attempts to tackle this problem by omitting stockmen. When both wages and food allowance are taken into consideration,
the staffing costs were substantial. At first, staffing levels do not seem to have been greatly affected by the change to farming
out the dairy, as stockmen were still required to care for the other cattle, and a dairy worker [daia or daye], who had
always doubled as poultry keeper, winnower and pottage maker, continued to be employed (see page 95). This situation
changed after 1330/31 when the auditors noted ‘henceforth maintain 1 man to keep the cows and make pottage and
winnow’, and the stockman disappeared from the record.75 The terms ‘dairy worker’ [daye] and ‘dairy farmer’ [firmarius
dayrie or firmarius vaccarum] were used interchangeably in the ‘Maslin’ and ‘Wages’ accounts between 1345/46 and
1350/51.76 An additional dairy worker was employed from 1280 to 1283, and in 1290/91 and 1294/95.77

Hides in the Morden accounts

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

incomings

outgoings

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

Hides and leather

The hides of dead horses and cattle were of value (though pigskins do not appear in the records). Most hides were sold,
but some were used for making or repairing harnesses for carts, after being ‘white-tawed’- the treating of skins with alum,
oil and vegetable extracts, as distinct from tanning using oak bark.78 Four extant accounts record payments of 6d or 7d
for white-tawing the hide of a dead draught horse,79 and the purchase of white-tawed leather is a frequent expense.80
Usually only half of a hide would be used in a year, and the remainder was carried forward to the next account.81

Hides were normally accounted for at the end of the ‘Livestock’ section on the dorse, while the income derived from
the sale of hides can be found on the recto under one of three headings: ‘Issues of the manor’, ‘Livestock sold’, or ‘Sale of
deadstock’ [mortuum staurum]. In 1319-20, when murrain claimed 9 oxen, 9 cows, 1 heifer, 1 bullock and 2 yearlings,
the sale of their hides brought in a total of 33s 11d (see page 86 for the prices that the various hides fetched).82

Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Dead stock sold

The same answers for 10d for the hide sold of 1 draught horse of murrain. And for 14d 18d for
the hide sold of 1 ox of murrain. And for 12d for the hide sold of 1 cow of murrain. And for
10d for the hide sold of 1 young heifer of murrain. And for 6d for the hide sold of 1 yearling of

murrain. And for 2s 6d 3s for 12 wool fleeces sold. And for 2½d 3d for 1 sheepskin sold.

Sum 7s 11d.

The same answers for ½ a white-tawed hide from the remaining. And all expended in repair of
cart-harness. And none remain.
The same answers for the hide of 1 draught horse, 1 ox, 1 cow, 1 heifer and 1 yearling calf of
murrain as above. Sum 5. And sold as within. And it balances.

White-
tawed hides

Hides

horse and cattle hides:

brought forward

stott – murrain

bull – murrain

yearling – murrain

colt – murrain

used for harness

carthorse – murrain

ox – murrain

cow – murrain

calf – murrain

heifer – murrain

sold

mare – murrain

ox – slaughtered

young heifer – murrain

bullock – sold at audit

bullock – murrain

carried forward

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same answers for 7 wethers from the remaining. And for 1 arising from strays before
shearing. Sum 8.
Of which in murrain before shearing 1. And there remain 7 wethers.
The same answers for 3 ewes from the remaining. And there remain 3 ewes.
The same answers for 2 added from lambs. Sum 2. And there remain 2 hoggets.
The same answers for 1 gimmer added from lambs. And there remains 1 gimmer.
The same answers for 3 lambs from the remaining. And for 3 lambs of issue this year. Sum 6.

Of which in addition above with hoggets 2. In addition with gimmers 1. Sum 3. And there remain
3 lambs.

Wethers

Ewes

Hoggets

Gimmers

Lambs

Extract from WAM 27333, the account roll for Michaelmas Eve 1355 to Michaelmas Eve 1356

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Also 14 gallons of tarpitch bought 5s 10d,4s 8d price of a gallon 5d.4d In 14 gallons grease bought
for mixing the same 11s 8d, 9s 4d price of a gallon 10d.8d In 12 hurdles bought 3s. 2s 6d In customary
payment for customary tenants by custom for washing and shearing 324 sheep 18½d, and no
more because 5 customary tenements are in the lord’s hand. Also customary payment in hiring 5
men in place of 5 dead tenants being in the lord’s hand for shearing the said sheep 12½d, each
man 2½d, and no more because customary tenants should shear all sheep. Also in washing and
shearing 80 lambs of issue 15d, per 6 lambs 1d.* In expenses of men helping to fold fleeces 12d.

Sum 21s 4d.

Cost of
the fold

* 15×6=90.

The Livestock account – sheep

The earliest extant account rolls, from the 1280s, record a small flock of sheep belonging to the manor of Morden.83 The
accounting year began with some 5 to 15 ewes [ovis matrix], 2 to 16 adult males or wethers [multo], up to half a dozen
young sheep called hoggets [hoggus] – though the young females were more often called gimmers [gercia] – and the
yearling lambs [annualis], hopefully one per ewe, unless a ewe was sterile or its lamb had died. To these would be added
the lambs [agnus] born in the Spring. Disease was rampant, and few years passed without some deaths from murrain
being recorded (see page 179), but in 1280/81 11 yearling lambs and 2 ewes died, in 1291/92 5 hogget sheep and 2 lambs,
in 1292/93 4 ewes, a hogget and 6 lambs, in 1294/95 1 ewe and 3 hoggets.84 In 1294/95 41 sheep were brought forward
from the previous account, and the 37 that survived were sold. No sheep appear in the following year’s account, and the
next six years have no extant accounts. In 1302/03 77 wethers were brought forward from the previous year’s account,
of which 27 died, 13 were sold, and 36 were carried forward. Of these 36, another 7 died, and the remaining 29 were
sold before shearing.85 Even though there was no manorial flock from this time until 1339/40, a manorial shepherd
was employed from the 1320s until 1348 to care for ‘alien sheep’ – those belonging to other owners but feeding on the
manorial pastures.86 Up to 200 a year are recorded.87

From 1339 to 1349 the manor once more had a flock of its own, but much smaller, usually around 12 to 18 all told.88
In 1344/45 33 lambs were brought forward from the previous year’s account, which is not extant, but 31 of these died,
together with 5 wethers and 2 ewes. The auditor rejected the claim that the 2 ewes, the 5 wethers and 1 lamb had died
of murrain, as the deaths were ‘not witnessed’, but the account roll records the sale of their skins.89

The flock appears to have been mostly home-bred before 1349. None were recorded as coming from other manors
belonging to the abbey, and the only purchase recorded before 1349 was of 4 wethers in 1302/03.90 However, the restocking
between 1295 and 1302 and again before 1339, though unrecorded, would probably have been either from another abbey
manor or by purchase. The flock was boosted in 1291/92 by the arrival of 9 stray wethers and 2 stray ewes, the only other
stray sheep to be recorded being 1 wether in 1346/47.91 During the plague year 2 ewes were claimed as heriot for 2 dead
tenants between lambing and shearing time, and 9 hoggets and 1 gimmer were received ‘from the legacy [ex legato] of
Roger de Lynton before shearing’.92

In the decade following the Black Death Morden underwent a total transformation in its sheep management. It began
in October 1349 when 175 assorted sheep arrived from Teddington, but 48 died of murrain, 51 were sold, and the rest
were returned to Teddington in January before shearing ‘on account of very great murrain’. Despite this poor start, 172
lambs were delivered from Battersea in June 1350.93 More lambs arrived from Teddington and from Echelford manor
in Ashford, Middlesex, in July 1352, from Greenford and Battersea in May 1353, and from two of the abbey’s manors in
Essex in June 1353.94 After shearing at Morden, adult males were sent to Teddington in 1352 and 1353, and to Battersea
in 1354.95 Substantial building work began on a large sheephouse, completed in 1355/56.96 These years coincided with
the lowest sown acreages, suggesting that sheep were replacing crops. However, the year 1302/03, when the flock had
previously been at its largest (though a mere 81 in total), had seen the largest acreage under crop – the increase in sheep
perhaps allowing more arable land to be manured, though with no discernable increase in yield (see pages 36, 112-3).97

From 1354 a breeding programme was instituted at Morden. Echelford supplied 4 rams [hurtadus] in July 1354.98 Ewes
came from Teddington in August 1353, from Greenford in July 1354, and from Battersea in December 1355.99 In 1358
another 60 ewes were purchased at Greenford.100 Gimmers arrived from Echelford in November 1353, and from Greenford
in December 1355.101 But the venture was risky. Of 122 lambs of issue recorded at Morden in 1353/54, 33 died, together
with 68 yearlings.102 Of 189 lambs of issue in 1355/56, 104 died, and 44 of the 188 yearlings also died.103 The following
year 34 of the 189 lambs of issue died, as did 6 yearlings.104 Most of the deaths were ‘before weaning’ [separatio]. Between
1355/56 and 1357/58 the runt of the litter was called a ‘tantony’, because it was ‘given to St Antony’.105 The surviving
lambs were sent from Morden to Greenford in 1354, 1356 and 1358, though in 1358 half were sold.106 Adult males were
again sent to Teddington in October 1356.107 The abbey’s involvement in sheep-rearing in Morden ended in 1359 when
the manor was let at farm. However, little is likely to have changed on the ground as all 247 sheep were sold to the new
lessee (see pages 59, 135), though no details are extant.108

Customary tenants were each obliged to provide a hurdle [cratis or clades] for the sheepfold (see page 74), and to wash and
shear the sheep (see page 119), receiving a customary payment for the latter. After the Black Death, extra labour had to be
bought in to assist with the washing and shearing.109 Early accounts occasionally record the purchase of extra hurdles110 and
of sheep-salve [unctura].111 With the increase in the flock after 1349/50 a new section of the account was added for ‘Cost of
the fold’ [Custus falde]. The extract on the facing page is typical of these expenses. In 1349/50 and 1350/51 there were also
payments for ‘ruddle-stone’ [redingston or redyng], a red ochre used for marking [signo] the flock, but from 1352 this was
supplied by the shepherd.112 Throughout the 1350s it was customary for the shepherd to have one of the lambs, and also
1 fleece.113 Usually just one shepherd was employed, often with a lad [garcio] assisting at lambing time. In 1353/54 the lad
was employed for 39 weeks until 6 July, when the lambs were sent to Greenford and the hoggets to Battersea. In 1355/56 2
shepherds were employed for the year – the accounts mention 2 fleeces being allocated to the shepherds, but only 1 lamb.114

Sheep in the Livestock Accounts 1280-1349

each complete pictogram represents 5 animals

outgoings

incomings

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27305

27304

27303

SAL 1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

No sheep are recorded in the extant account rolls between these years

incomings

outgoings

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

Sheep in the Livestock
Accounts 1349-1359

with details of transfers between
Morden and other manors
belonging to Westminster Abbey

each complete pictogram
represents 20 animals

620

600

580

560

540

520

500

480

460

440

420

400

380

360

340

320

300

280

260

240

220

200

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

280

300

320

340

360

380

400

420

440

460

480

500

520

540

560

580

600

620

incomings

80

60

40

20

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

Greenford

from

to

Essex

80

60

40

20

0

from

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

-120-100-80-60-40-2002040608010012014016018013491351135313551357Teddingtonsheep fromsheep towethers toewes fromhoggets tolambs fromlambs to
Teddington

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

20

40

60

80

100

Battersea

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

20

40

60

from

from

to

to

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Echelford

60

40

20

0

from

‘sheep’

rams

wethers

ewes

hoggets

gimmers

young rams

yearlings

lambs

KEY

stock remaining

issue born during year

stock bought or sold

local in or out

from or to other manors

dead from murrain

sold at audit

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

outgoings

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Wool

Sheepskins

Fold
hurdles

The same answers for the fleeces of 7 wethers, 3 ewes, and 3 yearling lambs from the issue of
the shearing above. Sum 13.

Of which in tithe 1. And in sale 12 fleeces. And none remains.

The same answers for 1 sheepskin of murrain above. And sold as within. And none remains.

The same answers for 33 hurdles for the fold from the remaining. And for 13 hurdles for the
fold received of rent at Hokeday. And for 7 hurdles of withies of purchase. Sum 53.

Of which expended in firewood because old and worn-out 18. Sum 18.

And there remain 35 hurdles.

How each hurdle was accounted for

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

90

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

incomings

outgoings

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1312-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

brought/carried forward

tenants paid as rent

purchased

acquitted to staff

default because tenement in hand

old & used for firewood

used at the sheepfold

sold

sold at the audit

Wool and sheepskins

Wool [lana] was an important ‘crop’ in the medieval period. The fleeces [vellus] were normally sent to Westminster Abbey
or sold and the money sent, though in 1348/49 the fleeces were sent to the abbey’s manor of Battersea.115 The shepherd
often received a fleece,116 and the vicar was entitled to the tithe of fleeces and skins from adult sheep117 but not those
from the year’s issue of lambs, as he had already received his tithe of the live lambs.118

Wool was normally measured by the ‘clove’ [clavus], weighing 7 lb, sometimes called ‘the stone of 7 lb’ [petra de vij lb],
though individual fleeces were sometimes weighed by the pound [libra].119

Sheepskins [pellis] were also of value, especially the wool-fells [pellis lanuta] of sheep that died before shearing (see page
86). Only three accounts from the first period of sheep-rearing, before 1304, have a section recording sheepskins.120 If
a sheepskin was sold it appears in the ‘Livestock sold’ section, but if it was sent to Westminster Abbey, as in 1283, it was
seldom noted.121 The chart below therefore starts in 1339/40, once the recording of skins had become standard practice.

The sale of the meat of sheep is only recorded three times, once relating to 2 rams which died of murrain – the 2 carcases
being sold for 6d and the skins for 1d – and twice relating to wethers being slaughtered, not dying of murrain – 2 wethers
were slaughtered in 1287/88 and the 2 carcases sold for 1 shilling, and the account for 1302/03 records the receipt of ‘2s
for the skins sold of 5 slaughtered wethers. And for 15d for the flesh of the same sold’.122 The flock was maintained for
its wool, not for its meat.

Sheep and lambs’ wool and skins in Morden annual accounts 1339-1359

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

650

600

550

500

450

400

350

300

250

200

150

100

50

0

-50

Only the Michaelmas to January account survives

No account survives for this year

No account survives for this year

No account survives for this year

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

the accounting year normally ran from September to September

sheep fleeces

sheepskins

lamb fleeces

lambskins/fells

wool fells

not shorn here

(died before shearing)

(died before shearing, except
for the two in 1349-50, which
are too few to be charted)

(died after shearing, so shown
here as negative, because their
fleeces already counted)

(eg sheep sold or
transferred before
shearing in June)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

No pigs are recorded in the extant account rolls between these years

‘pigs’

sows

hoggets

yearlings

piglets

young piglets

each complete
pictogram
represents
2 animals

Pigs in the Livestock Accounts

stock remaining

issue born during year

stock bought or sold

local in or out

from or to other manors

dead from murrain

sold at audit

incomings

outgoings

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

The Livestock account – pigs

The pig [porcus] took little maintenance, feeding on mast – acorns and other fallen nuts – or on household waste.123 In
the winter it could be fattened [incrassand] for slaughter or for sale with a few bushels of grain – curall wheat, darnel
[drank/drauk], peas and beans are mentioned in our records.124 But on the manor of Morden, pig-rearing was intermittent.
Every few years the entire stock would be sold or dispatched to the abbey’s manor of Battersea, from where a new sow
and piglets would arrive a few years later. 125

The fattened pigs were sent to market, except between 1287 and 1296, when they were consumed on the manor. The
‘Livestock’ account in these years records ‘bacons’ [baco] and ‘hams’ [perna] in the ‘larder’ [lardarium], a ham being
half a bacon. In 1287/88 3 bacons and ½ ham were consumed in harvest boonworks, 1 bacon in household expenses in
harvest, 1 ham sold, and another ½ ham ‘sold at the audit’ (see page 195).126 Between 1290 and 1293 no sows or piglets
of issue are mentioned, a few pigs being purchased, some fattened for the larder, and 2 or 3 hoggets [hogaster] carried
forward to the next account.127 In 1319/20 a pig that had arrived as a stray [de cumelingo] seems to have gone astray
again, as it was sold at the audit for 2s, presumably because it could no longer be accounted for.128

The first few extant accounts record a sow [sus] bearing a piglet [porculus or porcellus] or 2 each year, but productivity
increased over the years and in 1303/04 1 sow produced 16 piglets, 8 in June and 8 in September.129 Later accounts
record litters in September/October, December/January, and from March to June.130 If the issue was less than 10 a year,
the tithe to the vicar was spread over 2 or more years. Thus in 1302/03, when the issue was just 5 piglets, the payment
was ‘In tithe 1, with tithe of 7 piglets from the previous year not tithed’. 131

Pig-rearing in Morden was at its peak in the 1340s, purely for the market, but there was still sufficient mast for tenants’
pigs to feed with the demesne stock. The ‘Issues of the Manor’ include ’22d for keeping 4 pigs and 4 piglets with the
lord’s pigs’ in 1345/46, and ‘8d for keeping pigs going with the lord’s pigs in autumn’ in 1346/47.132

But the end was at hand. In 1349/50 a sow, 2 pigs and 12 young piglets were sent to Greenford manor, leaving a sow and
5 young piglets, and in January 1352 the remaining stock was sent to Battersea.133 A sow and 5 sucklings came from
Teddington in December 1352, but they moved on to Battersea in January 1353.134

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same answers for 2 sows from the remaining. Sum 2. And there remain 2 sows.
The same answers for 7 piglets from the remaining. And for 19 received added from piglets
aged ½-year and more. Sum 26.

Of which in murrain of those from the remaining 3. because not witnessed And in sale 4 piglets.
In sale at the audit 3. Sum 7. And there remain 19 piglets.
The same answers for 9 piglets from the remainder. And for 11 piglets of issue farrowed in the
months of December and January. And for 11 farrowed in the month of June. Sum 31.

Of which in tithe 2. In addition above with piglets 19. In murrain in month of July 3.
In sale at the audit 3. Sum 24. And there remain 7 young piglets.

Sows

Piglets

[porculi]

3s.

Young
piglets

[porcelli]

18d

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Geese

2s 8d.

Ducks

Capons

Cocks

and hens

Chickens

Eggs

The same answers for 27 geese from the remaining, of which 2 are ganders and 4 breeding
females. And for 28 goslings of issue. Sum 55.
Of which in tithes 3. In expenses of brothers R Bibi, R Lake and J Porter auditors 6 by 1 tally.
In expenses of brother J de Mordon bailiff 1 by 1 tally. And in sale 15 geese. And stolen in the
court by night in the Vigil of the Assumption of Blessed Mary 16 geese.because not witnessed In sale
at the audit 16. Sum 41. And there remain 14 geese, of which 2 are ganders and 4 breeding
females.
The same answers for 3 ducks of purchase. And accounted in expenses of brother J de Mordon
bailiff by 1 tally. And it balances.
The same answers for 12 capons from the remaining. And for 12 received made from chickens.
Sum 24.
Of which in sale 12. Sum 12. And there remain 12 capons.
The same answers for 1 cock and 12 hens from the remaining. And 4 cocks and 6 hens from
rent at the Christmas term. Sum 22.[!]
Of which in sale 4 cocks and 6 hens of rent. Sum 10. And there remain 2 cocks and 12 hens.[!]*
The same answers for 12 chickens of purchase. And accounted in making capons above. And
it balances.
The same answers for 260 eggs of purchase.$ And bought and delivered to William de Stanton
cellarer. And none remain.

* There seems to be some confusion in the totals in this section! The next account WAM 27322 accepts this figure as correct, with 2 cocks and
12 hens remaining.

$ The hens were at farm, so the eggs were probably bought from the farmer.

The Livestock account – poultry

Geese [auca] appear in every extant account of Morden manor from 1287. Normally the gender is not mentioned until
the end of the entry, when the number carried forward recorded how many were ganders [auco] and how many breeding
females [mariola].135 The issue of goslings [aucula] per mariola ranged from 5 to 9, but from 1312 it was always 7,
which suggests that the reeve was liable for a fixed quota. None came as heriot, stray or purchase or from other manors,
though 6 were sent to Battersea manor in 1329/30.136 Murrain accounted for 1 or 2 in the earliest accounts, but only
one reference appears after 1304, when 2 geese succumbed in 1325/26.137 However, a couple of later accounts mention
a mariola being slaughtered by a fox.138 Most of the geese were sold, as many as 38 in 1350/51.139 The vicar was entitled
to his tithe, and some geese were consumed by visiting officials or sent to the abbey.140 Until 1294/95 2 geese were given
to the manor staff at harvest for their ‘harvest goose’ [repgos or auca autumpni], but thereafter a sum of 1½d per head
was allocated in expenses of ‘harvest goose’ (see pages 100-1).141

Ducks [anas] were bred on the manor from 1292 to 1308, all for sale. In 1335/36 3 were purchased ‘for the bailiff’s
expenses’ and in 1346/47 7 were bought and sent to the abbey with the geese.142 Gender is only mentioned when listing
stock carried forward, when the number of drakes [madlard] is noted.

Hens [gallina] and Cocks [gallus] appear in every extant account from 1282. 4 cocks and 6 hens were paid at Christmas
as rent or customary payment from the 4 tenements that the abbey held in Ewell (see page 167). This payment, already
established by the 1220s when the Custumal was prepared, was in addition to cash rents and customary dues, and
boon-works at harvest.143 The Extent of 1312 gives a cash equivalent of 1 cock worth 1½d and 1 hen worth 2d, but the
accounts record the payment ‘in kind’ for each year.144 Sometimes as many as 50 chicks [pultria de exitus] were hatched
on the manor, and up to 400 eggs might be collected.145 Most eggs were sold, though in 1292/93 160 of the total of 200
were sent to Westminster Abbey.146 A high proportion of chickens were also sold, though 10 were regularly sent to
the abbey, and up to a dozen males were castrated as capons [capo/chapo] to improve the quality of the meat. Many of
these were sold, though some were consumed by visiting officials and, in 1335/36 and in 1340/41, some were sent to
the abbey.147 By 1317/18 it had been decided to lease the hens at farm – the farmer paying a fixed annual payment in
exchange for the eggs and chicks of issue. This farm started at 2 shillings for 8 hens, increased to 4 shillings in 1318/19,
and to 6 shillings from 1329.148 As a result, it became necessary to buy the chickens to be made into capons and, in
1346/47, 260 large eggs were purchased and delivered to the abbey.149 The reeve sometimes had difficulties keeping
count of the chickens, and in the early 1300s up to 30 were ‘sold at the audit’ (see page 195).150 But in 1346/47 even the
auditor became muddled (see extract on facing page)!151

Swans [cignus] were kept on the manor between 1295 and 1304. Two, leased [demissione] to a monk at Westminster,
brother Alexander de Neuport, were brought forward in 1295. He was presumably a relative of Robert de Neuport,
serviens of Morden from 1292 to 1296. Robert had previously been serviens of Halliford, a Westminster manor near
Sunbury, Middlesex, and a third swan came from Robert’s successor at Halliford, a fourth coming from another monk,
brother R de Hadham. Of these, 1 died, and another was sold at the audit, though the serviens had claimed it had been
baked [furnatone?]. By 1302/03 there were 5 swans in the manor, 1 of which died. The following year 2 were delivered
to the abbot of Westminster, and another to Lord William Ambesas, leaving 1 to be carried forward, though it does
not appear in the next year’s accounts. In 1303/04 2 bushels of oats were consumed ‘in fattening swans’, but no other
expenditure is recorded.152 In 1321/22 a lad was paid 6d wages for keeping at Morden for 6 weeks 6 of the king’s swans
brought by hired boat from Westminster to Battersea.153

No doves [columba] or dovecots [columbarium] are mentioned in the accounts, though a lease of the manor farm in
1588 makes reference to a ‘dovehowse’.154 Doves were normally restricted to manors with resident lords.

Game

No game is mentioned in the manorial accounts, but the later court rolls occasionally record poaching offences. Thus
in October 1478 William, the parson of Morden, was presented at the manorial court for hunting partridges [perdix],
pheasants [phazianus], rabbits [cuniculus] and hares [lepus] within the free warren of the lord, and in October 1502
Richard Gyles was presented for hunting within the lord’s warren and killing hares, rabbits and partridges against the
lord’s will. The term ‘warren’ could mean an enclosure for small game animals, or the right to hunt small game. If the
former is the meaning here, it might explain the presentation in April 1469 of Roger atte Hegge for breaking into the
lord’s park [parcus] and hunting and taking various ‘beasts impounded’ [bestie imparcate] there.155 Later references show
that it was far too small to have been a deer park. The court rolls mention demesne land called ‘le Park’ and ‘Parkelond’
in 1378, 1494, 1520, 1526, and 1527, 10 acres of which were leased in 1385 and 1405.156 A 1567 list of demesne lands
include a 24-acre close called ‘Parkeland’, which later became part of the lands farmed from Morden House. The name
survived until 1804.157 The land lay southeast of London Road and is likely to have adjoined an 8-acre parcel of freehold
land in Central Road also called ‘le Parklond’, recorded between 1458 and 1617, probably the property described as an
8-acre enclosed warren sold in 1385 by William Bunt to Alan Berenger.158

swans

‘mariola’ geese

ganders

geese

goslings

ducks

drakes

ducklings

hens

cocks

chickens

chicks

capons

Goose, duck, and
hen are often
used generically,
regardless of gender.

each complete pictogram represents 2 birds

stock remaining/born

stock bought or sold

local in or out

from or to the abbey or its manors

dead from murrain

sold at audit

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

outgoings

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

Poultry in the Livestock Accounts

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

incomings

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

1459

1458

1457

1456

1455

1454

1453

1452

1451

1450

1449

1448

1447

1446

1445

1444

1443

1442

1441

1440

1439

1438

1437

1436

1435

1434

1433

1432

1431

1430

1429

1428

1427

1426

1425

1424

1423

1422

1421

1420

1419

1418

1417

1416

1415

1414

1413

1412

1411

1410

1409

1408

1407

1406

1405

1404

1403

1402

1401

1400

1399

1398

1397

1396

1395

1394

1393

1392

1391

1390

1389

1388

1387

1386

1385

1384

1383

1382

1381

1380

1379

1378

BL56042 26r

BL56042 25r

BL56042 24r

BL56042 24r

BL56042 22r

BL56042 22r

BL56042 21r

BL56042 20r

BL56042 18r

BL56042 17r

BL56042 16r

BL56042 15r

BL56042 15r

BL56042 14r

BL56042 13r

BL56042 12r

BL56042 11v

BL56042 10r

BL56042 9v

BL56042 7r

BL56042 6r

BL56042 4r

BL56042 3r

BL56042 1r

BL56041 11r

BL56041 10r

BL56041 9r

BL56041 7r

BL56041 6r

BL56041 5r

BL56041 4r

BL56041 3r

BL56041 2r

BL56041 12r

BL56040 16r

BL56040 14r

BL56040 13r

BL56040 12r

BL56040 11r

BL56040 10v

BL56040 9r

BL56040 8r

BL56040 6v

BL56040 4r

BL56040 3r

BL56040 2r

BL56040 1r

BL56039 18r

BL56039 19r

BL56039 16r

BL56038 14r

BL56039 13r

BL56039 11r

BL56039 9r

BL56039 8r

BL56038 7r

BL56039 5r

BL56039 3r

BL56039 1r

BL56038 12r

BL56038 10r

BL56038 8r

BL56038 7r

BL56038 6r

BL56038 5v

BL56038 4v

BL56038 3r

BL56038 2v

BL56038 2r

Strays

BL56046 5r

BL56046 5r

BL56046 4v

BL56046 4r

BL56046 2r

BL56046 1r

BL56046 1r

BL56046 1r

BL56045 7r

BL56045 7r

BL56045 6v

BL56045 6r

BL56045 6r

BL56045 5v

BL56045 5r

BL56045 5r

BL56045 4v

BL56045 4r

BL56045 3v

BL56045 3v

BL56045 3r

BL56045 2v

BL56045 2r

BL56045 2r

BL56045 1r

BL19407 2v

BL19407 1v

BL19407 1r

BL19407 1v

BL19407 3r

BL56048 1r

BL19407 4r

BL19407 5r

BL19407 6r

BL19407 7r

BL19407 8r

BL19407 9r

BL19407 10r

BL19407 11r

BL19407 12r

BL19407 13r

BL19407 14r

BL19407 15r

BL19407 16r

BL19407 17r

BL19407 18r

BL56044 1r

BL56043 1r

BL56043 2r

BL56043 3r

BL56043 4r

BL56043 4r

BL56043 6r

BL56043 7r

BL56043 8r

BL56043 9r

BL56043 10r

BL56043 11r

BL56043 13r

BL56043 12r

BL56043 14r

BL56043 14r

BL56043 16r

BL56043 17r

BL56043 22r

BL56043 22r

BL56043 19r

BL56043 20r

BL56043 21r

BL56043 21r

1541

1540

1539

1538

1537

1536

1535

1534

1533

1532

1531

1530

1529

1528

1527

1526

1525

1524

1523

1522

1521

1520

1519

1518

1517

1516

1515

1514

1513

1512

1511

1510

1509

1508

1507

1506

1505

1504

1503

1502

1501

1500

1499

1498

1497

1496

1495

1494

1493

1492

1491

1490

1489

1488

1487

1486

1485

1484

1483

1482

1481

1480

1479

1478

1477

1476

1475

1474

1473

1472

1471

1470

1469

1468

1467

1466

1465

1464

1463

1462

1461

1460

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

0

1

2

3

4

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Strays

The manor stock was often enhanced by the arrival of unclaimed stray animals. The later court rolls give more details of
the process involved in dealing with strays so, although they relate to the period when the demesne was leased at farm,
this seems the most appropriate place to consider the process.

In the manorial court held 8 May 1487 it was reported ‘that 2 white ewes came as strays in January last preceding and
remain under the custody of John Dunnyng and John Godfrey. And the order is given to the farmer of the manor to
take them into his custody and to proclaim in church and market and if not claimed then to keep them for the lord’s use
etc. And that one red cow came as a stray in November of the first year of the aforesaid reign, and now it is forfeited and
sold to the farmer as appears in the heading’. The marginal entry notes that it was valued at 5 shillings, which was paid
to the treasurer.159 The court roll for 12 May 1489 explains that strays were ‘valued by the tenants’.160

On 6 December 1513 it is stated that ‘proclamation ought to be made three times orally [voce] in market [foris] and fair
[nundine] according to English law and the custom of the manor’.161 Thus on 28 May 1516 we are told ‘upon this the
third proclamation is made in fair and market according to common law if anyone wishes to come to claim the aforesaid
pig. And none come’.162

As early as 1332/33 the account roll refers to a payment of 2d, under ‘Foreign expenses’, ‘in proclaiming at Croydon and
Carshalton 1 female draught horse [affra femella] and 1 bullock, arriving as strays’.163 Presumably it was the reeve who
had made the proclamation, but in the court roll for 7 October 1488, when the demesne was at farm, the order was given
to the bailiff to proclaim a stray ewe ‘and if none claim within a year and a day then it is to be kept for the lord’s use etc’.164

Some of the unclaimed strays were sold, while others were added to the manor livestock. But some strays were claimed
by their owners, and the animals were returned to them after payment of a fine. So on 1 October 1327 ‘William le
Godesone the lord’s serf comes and certifies a certain stray mare to be his and he has delivery &c. And he gives the lord
for seizure 12d’.165 But it was not quite as straightforward as it sounds. On 17 November 1404 the homage presented ‘that
2 oxen came as strays in August last. Therefore the order was given to proclaim against the next court. And at this court
comes John Heford and claims the said oxen. And he has a day until the next court with his 12 hands etc to prove etc.’
The next court was not until 13 May 1405, when John came with his 12 ‘hands’ or witnesses ‘and proves the said cattle
to be his with his 12 hands. Therefore the order is given to deliver. And the said John by the assessment of the court is
in mercy 2d for custody of the aforesaid oxen etc’.166 We are not told where John Heford lived, but on 4 October 1474 a
horse was claimed by Nicholas Beston of Dulwich [Dylwyche], on 22 April 1494 one black and grey colt was claimed by
Milo [Milonem] Childe of Kingston upon Thames [Kyngeston’ super Thamis], on 12 May 1495 one male black colt was
claimed by John Billyngton of Ewell, and on 1 October 1499 the vicar of Carshalton [Carsalton] ‘claims 1 ewe with one
lamb and it is delivered to him’.167 The process was slow and several of the strays mentioned in the court rolls disappear
from the record because of gaps in the extant rolls.

Horses, cattle, sheep, pigs, and even a goose, were among the animals that strayed onto the demesne at Morden, but
perhaps the strangest was reported at court on 30 July 1382 – ‘Likewise they present that a hive of bees [ruschia apium],
come as a stray, remains in the custody of Ralph atte Rithe’.168 In 1332/33 a colt was born of a mare straying into the
manor, and it is possible that some of the references to a stray ‘ewe with lamb’ or a ‘horse with colt’ may refer to pregnant
animals, which produced their offspring while on the manor.169 Not all the strays survived. The roll for 23 June 1378
records that a stray gimmer had died of murrain.170

Although several animals strayed onto the demesne, there is no record of any demesne livestock straying from the manor.
Perhaps some of the livestock ‘sold at the audit’ (see page 195) refer to animals lost in this way. But occasional references
to ‘marking’ [signand] sheep with ‘ruddle-stone’ suggest that Westminster Abbey took care that their livestock could
easily be recognised.171

‘horses’

mares

colts

oxen

cows

heifers

young heifers

bulls

steers

bullocks

‘sheep’

rams

wethers

ewes

gimmers

lambs

sows

‘pigs’

piglets

geese

hives of bees

KEY

strays forfeited

forfeited strays sold

strays claimed

strays dead from murrain

strays waiting to be claimed

0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359
0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359CarthorseStottOxcarthorsestottoxbullcowheifersteerbullockcalfCowBull-calfCalfRamEweWetherramwetherewehogget ssheeplambsSowPigYoung pigletpighogget ppigletDuckHenCaponChickgoosegoslingduckducklingcockhencaponchickcolt
0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359CarthorseStottOxcarthorsestottoxbullcowheifersteerbullockcalfCowBull-calfCalfRamEweWetherramwetherewehogget ssheeplambsSowPigYoung pigletpighogget ppigletDuckHenCaponChickgoosegoslingduckducklingcockhencaponchickcolt
0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359CarthorseStottOxcarthorsestottoxbullcowheifersteerbullockcalfCowBull-calfCalfRamEweWetherramwetherewehogget ssheeplambsSowPigYoung pigletpighogget ppigletDuckHenCaponChickgoosegoslingduckducklingcockhencaponchickcolt
0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359CarthorseStottOxcarthorsestottoxbullcowheifersteerbullockcalfCowBull-calfCalfRamEweWetherramwetherewehogget ssheeplambsSowPigYoung pigletpighogget ppigletDuckHenCaponChickgoosegoslingduckducklingcockhencaponchickcolt
0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359
Livestock prices (in shillings)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.008.009.0010.0011.0012.0013.0014.0015.0016.0017.0018.0019.0020.0021.0022.0023.0024.0025.00127912801281128212831284128512861287128812891290129112921293129412951296129712981299130013011302130313041305130613071308130913101311131213131314131513161317131813191320132113221323132413251326132713281329133013311332133313341335133613371338133913401341134213431344134513461347134813491350135113521353135413551356135713581359
25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

carthorse bought

draught horse sold

heifer sold

cow bought

ewe bought

ewe sold

sow bought

hogget pig sold

capon bought

duck/drake sold

capon sold

draught horse bought

ox sold

steer sold

bull-calf bought

wether bought

hogget sheep sold

pig bought

piglet sold

chick bought

duckling sold

chick sold

ox bought

bull sold

bullock sold

calf bought

ram sold

sheep sold

young piglet bought

duck bought

goose sold

cock sold

bull-calf sold

carthorse sold

cow sold

calf sold

ram bought

wether sold

lamb sold

pig sold

hen bought

gosling sold

hen sold

colt sold

+

+

The purchase and sale of livestock

The evidence of the manorial accounts suggests that the only livestock to be reared mainly, though not exclusively,
for the market were poultry, pigs and some calves. Other livestock were sold if they were unsuitable for their primary
purpose – cows if they could no longer produce milk and calves, and other cattle and horses if they were not fit to work.
Old and sick animals were usually sold, though some oxen and wethers might be slaughtered and their meat salted for
sale or for home consumption (see pages 61, 75).

As would be expected, the prices of adult animals purchased for the manor are usually higher than the prices of their
counterparts sold, though in the case of the more expensive animals, such as oxen and cows, the prices are often very
similar. As horsemeat was not acceptable for human consumption, the price that old horses fetched was usually lower.
Prices that are considerably lower reflect the state of health of the animal.

The manor suffered from ‘compulsory purchases’ of poultry by purveyors acting on behalf of the royal household and
other magnates (see page 187). The account rolls often record the reeve’s claim that no money had been received for these
purchases (see page 190), though occasionally a late payment is recorded. The prices of livestock sold to purveyors have
not been identified in the table on the facing page, but no doubt the purveyor attempted to keep prices down. Thus 10
hens, which usually sold at 2d each, were sold to royal purveyors at 1½d each in 1340/41. 172

During the Black Death in 1348/49 some of the livestock gained as heriot of dead tenants were sold (see pages 182-3), but
at very low prices – a draught horse sold for 3 shillings from the heriot of John Gylden, a cow from Walter ate Cherche in
1348/49 for 3 shillings, and another from ‘Jakynges’ for 3s 6d. A half-share in a heifer, from the heriot of Adam Hobekok,
raised 1s 6d. The prices may indicate the condition of the animals, but the numbers of livestock surplus to requirements
following the plague certainly brought prices down.173

The prices of dairy produce, wool, sheepskins, hides and meat are shown in the table overleaf. These mostly relate to
items sold, but the prices of dairy produce purchased while the dairy was leased at farm have also been included.

Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Livestock sold

The same answers for 10s for 4 piglets sold, the price of each 2s 6d. And for 3s 9d for 15 geese
sold, the price of each 3d. And for 2s 6d for 12 capons sold, price of each 2½d. And for 18d for
4 cocks and 6 hens from rent sold, price of a cock 1½d and a hen 2d.

Sum 17s 9d.

Livestock bought

In 2 calves of issue bought at/for weaning 2s. In 3 ducks bought 4½d. In 12 chickens bought
for making capons 12d.

Sum 3s 4½d.

Produce sold and bought

Extract from WAM 27289, the account roll for Morrow of Michaelmas 1290 to Morrow of Michaelmas 1291.
This extract includes items of dairy produce not included on the equivalent extract for 1346/47 on page 66.

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The same renders account for 19d for 19 gallons milk sold after Michaelmas. And for 10s for 63
cheeses sold which make 1 wey. And for 2s 1½d for 17 cheeses sold in pieces,* which make 1 quarter
price of each 1½d. And for 2s 3d for 4½ gallons of butter sold. And for 9s for 108 lambs in pasture
in summer. price of each 1d And for 2s for 4 bullocks in pasture in summer. And for 12d for the wool
of 8 lambs of issue sold. And for 6s 9d for hay sold. And for 2s for stubble sold. And for 3s 6d
for pears sold. And for 16d for 400 eggs of issue sold.

Sum 41s 6½d.

* In this context ‘per manum’ probably means that the cheese was sold in pieces and not by the whole cheese. Not much seems to be known about
the sale of cheese on a small scale, and this entry may be of considerable interest.174

Issues of
the manor

Produce prices (in pence)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

horse hide

ox hide

bullock hide

yearling calf hide

heifer hide

ram skin

yearling lamb skin

wool fell

lamb fleece

cow carcase

ham

gallon milk

100 eggs

colt hide

carthorse hide

cow hide

bull hide

calf hide

sheep skin

wether skin

lamb skin

sheep fleece

ox carcase

wether carcase

cheese per quarter wey

gallon butter

+

+

+

+

+

87

HUMAN RESOURCES

1280-1358

Ploughing, sowing, harrowing and threshing

based on ‘A Shepherd’s Calendar: October’ in the British Library

adapted from N J Hone The Manor and Manorial Records (1906, 1912) p.79

88 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Officials of Westminster Abbey mentioned in the Morden account rolls

Richard1 visiting serviens 1283

Thomas2 visiting serviens 1302-6

Br R [Roger] de Aldenham3 cash to 1302-5 [treasurer]

John Andicote4 steward 1351-4

Br R [Robert] de Ardern5 treasurer (1 of 2) 1330/1

Br Gwydo [de Asshewelle]6 treasurer (1 of 2) 1311/12; produce to 1312-14

Br John Assh/Asshwell7 keeper of granary 1330/1, 1356-9; kitchener 1335/6

John Baars’8 auditor (1 of 3) 1340-3, 1345/6

Sir R de Basing9 rents to 1281/2

Roger Bassett10 visiting 1327/8, 1330/31; steward 1332/3;1335/6;1339/40;1341/2

Br Robert de Beby11 bailiff 1312-14; for state of manor 1312-14, 1321/2; geese to 1319/20;
treasurer (1 of 2) 1320/21; for view of account 1321/2; auditor (1 of 3 or 4)
1342/3, 1345-7

Br Laurence de Benflete12 visiting 1292, 1305

Br H [Henry] de Bircheston13 for state of manor 1312-14; bailiff 1313/14

Br Simon de Bircheston14 cellarer 1330/1, 1332/3; abbot 1344-9 [died of plague]15

Nicholas Bodewell16 steward 1355-8

Sir John Borewell17 steward 1392/3

Br William Borowe/Burghe 18 treasurer visiting 1501-3

Philip de Boteler19 cash to 1287/8

Sir J de Brackel[e]20 grain to 1280/1

Br R de Brakke[le]21 making valuations (1 of 3) 1324/5; cash to 1327/8 [treasurer]

Br P de Brytwell22 keeper of granary 1335/6

William Bukler23 steward 1280/1

Br R [Robert] de Bur[es]24 cash to 1287/8

Br John Burwell25 keeper of granary 1400/1, 1403-9; warden of churches 1401/2

Br J de Buterle26 visiting 1307/8

Edmund de Byrny27 visiting serviens 1291/2

W Bysschop28 steward 1291/2, 1310-13, 1317-25

Br B [Benedict] Cherteseye29 prior visiting 1348/9

Br William Chertesey30 treasurer 1467-9

Br Richard de Colchester31 keeper of granary 1351-3

Br R de Coleworthe32 cellarer 1303/4, 1306-08; cash to 1306-08; hens to 1310/11

Br T de Combroke/Combrek33 keeper of granary 1349/50; bailiff 1350/1; for state of manor 1351/2

W de Cranesle[y]34 [clerk] visiting 1291/2

Br Roger de Cretton [or Kyrton]35 warden of churches 1403-8; keeper of granary 1409/10, 1411/12; late
treasurer 1411/12

Br Robert de Curtlyngton36 grain to 1335/6; treasurer & auditor 1341/2

Roger ate Donne37 visiting serviens 1308-13

William le Dorturer 38 clerk to Br R de Aldenham, re church repairs 1303/4

John Dud[…]39 steward 1349/50

Br William Dumbulton40 keeper of granary 1339-43

Br Richard de Fanelor’41 rents to 1280-2; rents & hens to 1287/8; bailiff 1292; grain to 1294/5

Br John Flete 42 monk-bailiff and receiver 1448/50 [and historian]

Sir [Br] Simon de Gardino43 visiting St Lawrence day 1281/2

Br R [Reginald] de Hadham44 cash & hens to 1294/5; visiting 1302/03; [prior 1305-18+]

Sir [Br] W [William] de Hamton45 visiting St Lawrence day 1282/3

Br W [William] de Haninton46 cash to 1290/1

Br William de Harleston47 treasurer (1 of 2) 1320-22

Br Richard Harwden48 treasurer visiting 1411/12; warden of churches 1411/12; [abbot 1420-40]

Br S [Simon] de Henle49 grain to 1292/3

Br Thomas de Henle50 making valuations (1 of 3) 1314/5; grain to 1327/8; bailiff 1330/1, 1332/3
(and for state of manor); abbot 1333-44

John Horspath51 steward 1353/4

Br W [William] de Huntyndon52 grain to 1287/8; [prior c.1298-1305]

[Information within square brackets is not mentioned in Morden accounts] (continued on page 90)

human resources 1280-1358 89

Senior management

As far as Westminster Abbey was concerned, the manor of Morden, like its many other estates scattered throughout
the land, was primarily a source of income, enabling the abbey to continue its work. It is not surprising that the abbey
kept a watchful eye on the running of the estate, sending monks, secular clergy and lay officials on regular visits.

The most frequent visitor was the monk-bailiff [ballivus], the principal obedientiary concerned with the convent’s
manors, though few details are given. In 1281/82 the ‘Oats’ account records ‘in fodder for the bailiff [‘s horse] for various
visits ½ quarter’; two visits are recorded under ‘Harvest expenses’, and two more under ‘Bailiff’s expenses’, one ‘to hold
court’ and one ‘as regards the feast of St Dionisius’, which was 9 October. A visitor who came for only one day that year
was allowed 1 bushel for his horse, so the bailiff’s 4 bushels tally with these four visits. The previous year 1 quarter oats
was required, suggesting that the bailiff had spent eight days in Morden in 1280/81.103

One regular visit was ‘for superintending and regulating the state of the manor’ [pro statum manorii supervidendo et
ordinando], a thorough scrutiny of the manor resulting in a written report filed at the abbey (see pages 193, 197).104
Although he was then accompanied by others, only his expenses are normally recorded in the manor accounts – perhaps
this item included his companions’ expenses. In 1321/22 the visit was undertaken with the mid-year ‘view of account’,
with two other monks and a clerk in attendance. In 1348-50 two ‘state of the manor’ visits took place each year.105

The monk-bailiff’s role was an important one, issuing instructions to the estate manager, either in person or in writing.106
He also authorised expenditure, approved any actions out of the ordinary, and bore witness that the estate manager
was honest in his dealings.107 He might also take delivery of cash or goods destined for the abbey, though more often
it was delivered directly to the appropriate official or one of his staff there.

A bailiff was a monk of some standing, and three who appear in the Morden account rolls – Thomas de Henle, Simon
Langham and Nicholas de Litlington – were subsequently elected as abbot. Henle was not an educated man so, on his
appointment as abbot, he was granted leave of absence to study at Oxford for 7 years.108 Langham, who had briefly
served as prior in 1349, became successively lord treasurer, bishop of Ely, lord chancellor, archbishop of Canterbury,
and a cardinal.109 Litlington, a well-born and wealthy man, held several key posts before serving as prior 1350-62.110

The abbot [abbaterius] was the head of the abbey, elected by the monks from their own number. Over the years ever-
increasing responsibilities as a civil servant reduced his opportunity to play a full part in the day-to-day life of the
community, though he continued to influence its affairs in both spiritual and administrative matters. By the early 13th
century, Barbara Harvey informs us, ‘… the abbot of Westminster was more or less a stranger to the common life of
the monastery. … When in the precinct, he assisted rather infrequently in choir and refectory.’111 He spent much of
his time travelling, but even when at Westminster he often chose to stay at his manor house nearby, rather than at his
lodgings within the precinct. By 1225 the revenues of the abbey had been divided between the abbot and the convent.
Morden was one of the estates granted to the convent, for the expenses of their kitchen, contributing a sum assessed
in 1225 at £10, towards a total which reached £150 11s 9d at that date.112

The everyday administration and care of the abbey was in the hands of the prior [prior]. One prior, presumably John
de Coleworth,113 apparently visited Morden in 1290/91, as the ‘Expenses of visitors’ section of the account roll records
‘Also in expenses of the prior of Westminster 3s 4d’, and the ‘Issues of the grange’ section accounts for 1 bushel of oats
‘in expenses of the prior of Westminster’, presumably for fodder for his horse. Further visits are reported in 1320/21,
when the prior’s expenses ‘for 1 coming’ amounted to 21d, plus 1 goose and 2 chickens, in addition to 12 hens ‘for the
prior’s feast’, and 1½ bushels of oats in fodder for his horse; in 1321/22, when his expenses were 16d and 2 geese (no
oats mentioned); and in 1324/25, when just 1½ bushels of oats for fodder are listed.114 Supplies ‘for the prior’s feast’ were
also sent to the abbey in 1335/36 – 3 quarters of wheat, 12 geese, 7 capons and 4 chickens. In 1348/49 prior Benedict
de Cherteseye visited Morden, but no expenses are recorded.115

The prior was assisted by a team of ‘obedientiaries’, or heads of department. The precentor, responsible for leading
worship, had a special link with Morden – he was the recipient of an annual pension of 6s 8d from the church here,
payable by the vicar.116 Other obedientaries were concerned with more mundane matters, such as food and finances.117

Deliveries were regularly made to monks at the abbey, both in cash and in kind (see page 201). Sometimes the title
of the recipient is given. Cash was usually paid to the two treasurers [thesaurarius] though in the 1280s the quarterly
rents were paid to a succession of officials for whom no title is given. Grain was normally delivered to the keeper of
the granary [granatarius] at the abbey, while poultry and dairy produce would go to the cellarer [cellararius] or to
the kitchener [coquinarius] if required for a specific feast. 118

Before the mid 14th century monks were normally called after their place of birth or education, though family names
were increasingly used thereafter.119 So brother Ralph de Mordon, to whom produce was delivered in 1302/3, and John
de Mordon, bailiff 1345-1348/9, sacrist 1349/50, and treasurer 1356/7, are of particular local interest, as are Nicholas
de Mordon (a monk from 1408/9-1454), Walter de Mordon (1350/51-1363/4), and William de Mordon (1349/50-
1391).120 Pearce points out that bailiffs would have come across ‘youths with an apparent vocation for claustral life’.121

Br John Isselipp [Islip]53 treasurer visiting 1493/4, 1495-7; [prior 1498-1500; abbot 1500-32]

Br R [Robert] Lake54 auditor (1 of 3) 1345-7; treasurer 1346/7

Br John Lakyngheth55 bailiff 1388-92

Br H[enry] de Langebergh56 keeper of granary 1317-20

Br Simon Langham57 bailiff 1348/9; [prior 1349; abbot 1349-62]

Sir [Br] Adam de Lemynster58 rents to 1281/2

Br A [Alayn] de Leyton59 grain to 1291-3

Br Nicholas de Litlington60 auditor (1 of 4) 1342/3; bailiff & keeper of granary 1348-50; for state of
manor 1349/50; treasurer 1348/9; [prior 1350-62; abbot 1362-86]

Br W [William] Logardin61 keeper of granary 1324-8

Sir [Br] Henry de London62 bailiff 1280-3

John Mathen63 auditor at view of account 1332/3

Br R [Richard] Merston64 bailiff 1351-4, 1355-9 (and for state of manor 1355-7); treasurer
1355/6;1357-9; [prior 1362-76/7]

Br John de Mordon65 bailiff (and for state of manor) 1345-7, 1348/9; sacrist 1349/50; treasurer
(& fleeces to) 1356/7

Br Ralph de Mordon/Morton66 cash to 1294/5; butter & hens to 1302/3

Br A [Alexander] de Neuport67 visiting 1290-2; cash to 1291/2, 1294/5; grain to 1292

Sir J de Neuport68 [clerk] for view of account and state of manor 1321/2

Br N de Neuport69 bailiff 1294/5

N Page70 cheeses to 1294/5 (? = Nicholas Page, serviens of Morden 1308)

Br H [Hugh] Papworth71 cash to 1332/3 [treasurer]

Sir [Br] Robert de Parham72 visiting St Lawrence day 1282/3

Thomas de Parham73 clerk (to steward?) 1356-8

Br H [Henry] Payn74 cash to 1304/5 [treasurer]

Sir [Br] R [Richard] de Pelham75 rents to 1281/2

Br S [Simon] de Piriforde [Pyrford]76 treasurer (1 of 2) 1335/6

Br Thomas Pomeroy/Pomerey77 treasurer 1441/2, 1445/6

J Porter78 auditor (1 of 3) (and at view of account) 1346/7

Br John de Redyngh79 keeper of granary 1353/4, 1356

Br Richard de Red[d]yngg80 keeper of granary 1344-7

Br Ranulph [de Salopia]81 treasurer (1 of 2) 1311/12

Br William Sonewelle82 warden of churches 1408-10

Br William de Sta[u]nton83 cellarer 1346/7; treasurer (1 of 2) 1346/7

Br William Sudbury84 bailiff 1392/3

Sir [Br] John de Sutton/Sotton85 bailiff 1280/1

Br Philip de Sutton/Sotton86 bailiff 1307/12; cash to 1312/13, 1317/18; geese to 1317-21; for view of
account and state of manor 1321/2

Br J [John] Torinton87 treasurer (1 of 2) 1335/6; auditor (1 of 3 or 4) 1340-3

Br J [John] Tothale88 keeper of granary 1335/6

Br H [Henry] de Waldene89 grain to 1282/3

Br R [Roger] de Waldene90 grain to 1290-2; cash to 1292; produce to 1292/3

Br R [Richard] de Waltham91 rents to 1287/8; cash to 1288, 1290/1; bailiff 1294-6

Br S [Simon] de Warewyk92 keeper of granary 1329/30; [prior c.1334-46]

Br P de Warham93 cash to 1287/8

Br William de Watford94 rents to 1281/2, 1283/4; grain to 1282/3; wool to 1283

Sir Walter Walloc/Wallop95 rents to 1280/1, 1282/3

Br Reymund de Wenlok96 bailiff 1302-5, 1306/7

Br Ralph de Westburi97 cellarer 1311/12; treasurer (1 of 2) 1321/2; cash to 1322/3; making
valuations (1 of 3) 1324/5

Sir [Br] Adam de Wicumb98 rents to 1282/3

Br W [Walter] Woxeb[ruge]99 cash to 1327/8; 1332/3 [treasurer]

Br Jordan [de Wratting]100 cash & fleeces to 1302-4; keeper of granary 1302-4; visiting 1307/8

Br Richard de Wynton101 keeper of granary 1330/1; treasurer (1 of 2) 1335/6; bailiff 1335/6, 1339-45
(and for state of manor 1335/6, 1340-5)

Br J [John] de Wytteneye102 cash to 1306-8; keeper of granary 1304-8; hens to 1312-14

Officials of Westminster Abbey (continued)

Expenses of senior management

The accounts also record the expenses of official visitors from the abbey, sometimes in cash, and sometimes in food
allowances for them, recorded under a heading such as ‘Expenses of bailiff and visitors’, as well as in the grain and
livestock accounts. There is also an account of the fodder provided for their horses in the ‘Oats’ section of the ‘Issues
of the grange’ account. Monks are normally titled ‘brother’ [frater], but the accounts for 1280-84 always use the term
‘dominus’, a title otherwise only used for secular clergy, traditionally translated as ‘Sir’.

One of the auditors [auditor] would visit mid-year with a clerk [clericus] for a ‘view of the account’ (see page 193) and
at the end of the financial year two or three would attend with the clerk for the full audit (see page 195). Their names
are only recorded between 1340 and 1347. One of the treasurers sometimes served as an auditor.122

The steward [senescallus] came two or three times a year to hold the manorial court, attended by a clerk and a groom (see
page 107). Stewards were usually laymen, so Sir John Borewell, steward in 1392/93, was probably a knight, not a priest.123

Often no title or job description is given for the visitors [superveniens], but making an Extent or valuation of the
manor, in 1312, and ‘viewing the customary bounds’, in 1392/93 (see page 173), were just two reasons for extra visits.124

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Expenses of Bailiff and visitors

Also in expenses of brothers R Bebi R Lake and J Porter auditors 4s by 1 tally. In expenses of
brother John de Mordon bailiff for his coming 4s by 1 tally. In expenses of steward for Courts
held 2s by 1 sealed document. In expenses of J Porter the auditor and the clerk of the audit for
taking view of the account in the month of May 16d by 1 tally.

Sum 11s 4d.

Expenses of senior management

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27399

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

cash (shillings) cheeses 100 eggs hens capons

geese ducks piglets

quarters oats quarters oats
for fodder for meal

quarters peas quarters chickens

for fodder wheat

YEARS ESTATE MANAGER RANK BEADLE YEARS GRANGER YEARS

1280-83 Walter125 Reeve Adam Bardulf126 1280-82

1283- William de La Ritha127 Reeve John Sutth128 1282>

1284-85

1285-86

-1288 Robert de Neuport129 Serviens 2 lads130 <1287>

1288- Philip Le Boteler131 Serviens

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91 William de Chyvintone132 Serviens

1291-92 Richard de Gardeno133 Serviens

1292-96> Robert de Neuport134 Serviens John le Bosere135 1294-96>

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-04 Richard Le May136 Serviens [serviens’ lad]137 1302-4 Richard de Southwark138 <1303-04 1304-05 William de Arkesdene139 Serviens [no beadle]140 Richard de Weston141 1304-07 1305-08 William Atterithe142 Reeve John le Bosere143 1307/8 Robert de Norton & John Bogerne144 1307>

1308- Nicholas Page145 Serviens John Huberd146 1308-23

1309-10

1310-14> Robert Fabian147 Serviens Simon Mareshall148 <1310 William de Sutton149 1311>

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-23 Robert de Nounthey150 Serviens Laurence de Sutton151 <1317-18>

1323-41 John Huberd152 Reeve William Godesone153 1324/5, 28

Robert ate Rithe154 1327-30>

Richard Edward155 1339/40> John Huberd156 1341-42>

1341-45 Richard Edward157 Reeve Richard Edward158 1345-46

1346-49 Alexander Ate Bruggende

of Kinguston159 Serviens Thomas de Denham160 1346-47

1349-51 Thomas Broun161 Serviens [none]162 1348-49>

1351-56 Robert at Rithe163 Reeve John le Clerk164 <1352-53 1356-59 Randolph Edward165 Reeve Thomas ate Hull166 1353-54>

The estate managers at Morden

< and > here denote that a person might have been in post before or after the dates given.

The estate managers

Whenever possible, the management of the estate was entrusted to a customary/villein tenant, who was appointed
reeve [prepositus]. If no suitable tenant could be found, an employee of the abbey was appointed as serviens.167

The reeve did not receive a cash wage, but was acquitted from paying rent and other customary payments while in
office, and was also excused labour services. From 1332 he received 1 quarter of wheat at harvest.168 From 1345-1355
both reeve and serviens received a payment of 9d ‘in expenses over and above fixed livery’ at harvest time.169 The reeve
shared in the household servants’ festive meals at Easter and Christmas170 and in their ‘harvest goose’ (see pages 100-1)
and he ate ‘at table’ for daily meals during the weeks of harvest (see pages 101, 127). Members of the atte Rythe and
Edward families often served as reeve during our period, but the longest tenure was by John Huberd, from 1323 to
1341, having already served as beadle from 1308. It would seem that he didn’t retire willingly, as his successor as reeve
was unable to answer for the multure of the mill ‘because the key to the toll chest remained in the possession of the
said John for the total whole year’. He also served as granger [grangiarius] that year.171 He died in the plague year of
1349 (see pages 180-1).172 His successor also served as granger after he ceased to be reeve.173

The title of serviens was used to describe two different roles. One was that of a visiting official with responsibility for
several manors (two who visited Morden also appear in Teddington records).174 He received expenses or occasionally
a ‘fee’ [feodum], as well as fodder, and often shared ‘harvest goose’. His role was distinct from that of the serviens who
served as a local estate manager, both being named in Morden accounts.

The local serviens was an employee of the abbey, often moving from manor to manor (see page 169). Thus William
de Arkesdene (1304/5) was successively serviens at several of the abbey’s manors, Robert de Neuport (1288, 1292-6)
at Halliford (1291/2) and in Essex (1298/9),175 Robert de Gardino (1291/2) at Halliford (1292) and at Echelford in
Ashford (1292/3),176 Nicholas Page (1308) at Pershore (1305),177 and Robert Fabian (1311-13) at Battersea (1315/16).178
The serviens received a wage of 13s 4d a year plus a ‘livery’ of 1 bushel of wheat a week. Like the reeve he ate ‘at table’
during harvest, and joined the servants at their ‘harvest goose’ celebrations, and probably at Christmas and Easter.

It seems likely that some who served as serviens were related to, or otherwise connected with, monks at Westminster
Abbey. The surnames de Gardino and de Neuport appear in both capacities in the Morden accounts.

Some who served as serviens at Morden held property in Morden, but it is not known whether they were already
tenants when appointed, or if they became tenants during their time in post. Thus Robert Fabian held a share in a
free tenement as well as a lease of 7 acres of demesne land, and Alexander ate Bruggende is mentioned as a former
occupant of ‘one messuage with curtilage’ in Morden.179

Whether reeve or serviens, the estate manager was answerable to the monk-bailiff in all matters concerning management
of the estate. His responsibilities were onerous, supervising both permanent staff and tenant labour, organising sowing
and reaping of crops, and buying and selling livestock and equipment. He handled a multitude of small transactions,
the estate having a turnover of up to £30 a year. He kept account of all his transactions, which were then checked by
the auditors, who would charge him for any item that they considered inaccurate or unauthorised (see page 195). If his
authorised expenditure, whether already paid out or still owing, exceeded the year’s income – on one occasion to a sum
approaching £5 – he was not reimbursed at the end of that year, but carried this ‘overspend’ or deficit – misleadingly
called a ‘surplus’ [superplus or surplusagium] – into the next year’s account.180 For a reeve, who also had his own
tenement to work, this cannot have been an easy task, but presumably the social cachet was some compensation.

Another appointment made from the customary tenants was the beadle [bedellus], elected at the manorial court
in later years.181 He assisted the reeve, and might become reeve himself. Like the reeve, he had his rent and other
customary dues and labour services remitted during his time in office, and ate ‘at table’ during harvest, and shared
the household servants’ ‘harvest goose’, and probably their Christmas and Easter meals.182 He also received 2 bushels
of curall wheat in September,183 and had the right to pasture his animals on some of the roadside ditches. The only
reason this is recorded is that in 1302/03 and 1303/04 there was no beadle, as the serviens’ ‘lad’ [garcio] was ‘in place
of the beadle’, with a wage of 5 shillings for the year, the roadside pastures being leased by the year. He too ate ‘at
table’ during harvest and with the servants at ‘harvest goose’184 and probably at Christmas and Easter. The beadle’s
responsibilities included ‘forking’ the harvest – in 1305 a wage of 7d was paid to a forker [furcarius] for 7 days’ work
because there was no beadle.185 The beadle was also involved in the winter and spring ploughing and from 1329 to
1331 he appears to have been the sower, as he received the bushel of wheat and bushel of barley customarily paid for
that task.186 The court rolls reveal the beadle’s role at the manorial court, being responsible for making sure litigants
came to court,187 levying amercements,188 taking distraints,189 claiming the heriot due to the lord of the manor on
the death of a tenant,190 seizing lands taken into the lord’s hand,191 and answering for the issues therefrom.192 He was
also responsible for proclaiming strays,193 as well as for summoning tenants to do labour service.194 Later, when the
demesne was at farm, he shared administrative duties with the farmer, sometimes being responsible for collection of
rents and other payments, and even preparing annual accounts (see page 137).195

Permanent and seasonal staff

full-time staff part-time staff (weeks worked)

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

ploughman

carter

dairy worker

cowman

ox-herd

housemaid

shepherd

lamb keeper

swineherd

birdscarer

harrower

reap-reeve

stacker

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100

105

110

115

120

125

130

135

140

145

150

155

160

weeks worked by part-time staff

Numbers of full-time staff

Permanent and seasonal staff

The annual accounts record cash wages and liveries of maslin [mixtura] paid to a range of non-resident ‘household
servants’ [famulus]. These regularly included a carter [carrettarius] and a number of ploughmen [carrucarius or
carrucator]. The latter worked in pairs – the plough-holder [tentor] who steered the plough and the plough-driver
[fugator] who drove the oxen pulling the plough. Usually 4 ploughmen were employed, but 2 died in the Black Death,
and for the next few years 2 or 3 full-time ploughman became the norm, with additional ploughmen being hired
during the winter months.196

A dairy worker [daie] was employed while the manor had a dairy herd, being replaced from 1352 by a housemaid
[ancilla].197 The dairy worker was also responsible for the poultry, for making the servants’ pottage [pottagium] (see
page 101) and for winnowing half the manor’s corn, the rest being done by casual staff on a piecework basis [ad tascam]
(see page 129). Until 1323 the dairy worker, probably a dairymaid, had received a quarter of maslin every 12 weeks, but
this allowance was reduced to a quarter every 16 weeks in 1324/25, every 14 weeks in 1327/28, and every 16 weeks in
1329/30 and 1330/31.198 In that year the auditors made a marginal note on the ‘Maslin’ account: ‘henceforth maintain
1 man to keep the cows and make pottage and winnow and give every 10 weeks 1 quarter’, and the next extant account
records under ‘Wages’ a ‘dairy worker being in place of the cowman’ [daia existens loco vaccarii], receiving 1 quarter
of maslin every 10 weeks.199 The cowman [vaccarius] or grazier [pastor] disappears from the records from this time,
apart from 1348/49 and 1351/52.200 The dairy had been leased at farm since 1310/11 (see page 67), and between 1346
and 1351 the terms ‘dairy worker’ and ‘dairy farmer’ [firmarius dayerie] were used interchangeably in the ‘Wages’
and ‘Maslin’ accounts.201 A dairy lad [garcio daie] was employed from 1350-52, keeping cows and making pottage.202

Other herdsmen are recorded as caring for whatever livestock were being kept on the manor at the time – a shepherd
[bercarius], often with a lad to look after the lambs, sometimes a swineherd [porcarius],203 and occasionally other,
short-term, appointments such as one keeping cows and bullocks from 24 April until Michaelmas 1330, an oxherd
[bovutarius?] ‘keeping cows coming from Greenford and other animals agisted in summer’ from December 1352 to
August 1353, or a lad keeping plough-beasts [bestia carrucataria] (defined in the Michaelmas account as oxen and
bullocks) in August and September 1353 ‘because servant ploughmen were occupied around harvest-time’.204

The carter or the cowman might also man a third plough or help with harrowing, though a harrower [herciator] and
a bird-scarer [rocherd] – to chase off rooks and doves – were often employed at the winter and spring sowing seasons.
The bird-scarer also often took a turn at the harrow.205 A second carter was sometimes employed to cart dung or marl
or to assist with the harvest.

Harvest time also saw the employment of additional supervisory staff – the reap-reeve [reperevus] sometimes called
overseer of the harvest [messor], and the stacker [tassator]. In 1291/92 it appears that the stacker had previously
been employed in carting marl, and it is likely that such arrangements were common.206 From 1349/50 the stacker
was paid from the Rectory account, as he worked for both departments (see page 159).207 After harvest someone was
appointed as granger [grangiarius], being ‘over the threshing’ [super trituratio]. His task might last from 3 to 13 weeks.
His payment is not entered under wages or maslin, as different grangers were paid in different ways. He might receive
wages [vadium], at 1d a day, or his ‘expenses’ in cash and/or kind – usually wheat though sometimes oats – or even a
remittance of his rent.208 The granger was one of the few staff members regularly to be named in the accounts. Two
former reeves served as grangers under their successors, while in 1352/53 ‘brother John le Clerk [was] granger both
for the Rectory and the manor and at other manors of the Convent’.209

Some short-term workers received either a wage or a maslin allowance, but the majority received both.

Wages [stipendium] were paid quarterly, but not in equal instalments.210 The Michaelmas payment, covering the
period from June to September, was the largest, usually amounting to half or more of the annual wages. Thus a 4s 6d
wage paid to carters and ploughmen in 1290/91 was paid at the rate of 6d per term at Christmas, Easter/Ladyday and
Nativity of John the Baptist (Midsummer), and 3s 0d at Michaelmas.211 This was their standard payment until the
plague year. In 1348/49 their Christmas and Easter payments were still 6d, the Midsummer payment rose to 1 shilling
and the Michaelmas payment to 4s. The following year their wages rose again, to 1s 6d at Christmas, 2s at Easter and
Midsummer and 4s at Michaelmas, a total of 9s 6d, but by 1350/51 rates settled at 1 shilling per quarter at Christmas,
Easter and Midsummer and 3s at Michaelmas.212 Other staff rates, though lower, were similar in proportion.

No information is available regarding employment of agricultural staff after 1359, when such matters would have been
the responsibility of the farmer of the demesne (see pages 133-146) and therefore of no interest to the abbey.

Wages

In wages of 1 serviens for the year 13s 4d. In wages of 1 carter, 4 servant ploughmen, 1
farmer of the dairy and 1 shepherd keeping 200 alien ewes at the lord’s fold for having
manure, for the year 31s 6d, viz each taking 4s 6d. In wages of 1 swineherd for the year
2s 8d.

Sum 46s 10d.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The weekly rates of pay of the main categories of staff

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

3d

2d

1d

0

pence per week

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

ploughmen

carter

cowman

dairy worker/farmer

housemaid

shepherd

lamb keeper

birdscarer

serviens

serviens’ lad

Wages

The weekly rates shown on the opposite page are averages based on the annual wages, so staff who were employed
for just a few weeks in summer, when rates of pay were generally higher, may appear to have been paid at a relatively
high rate. However, the wages of the reap-reeve and the stacker seem to have been flat-rate payments, irrespective of
the number of weeks worked in harvest, rather than calculated on a pro-rata basis as other wages. They are sometimes
included in the ‘Harvest expenses’ section of the account rather than the ‘Wages’ [Stipendium] section, so the extract
from WAM 27321 on the facing page omits these entries.

The wage bill was lower when the estate was managed by a reeve rather than a serviens, as the reeve received no wages,
only a rent allowance.

How the annual wage bill was allocated among the different categories of staff

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

account survives for part of year only

shillings

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

ploughmen

stockman

swineherd

reap-reeve

carter

shepherd

birdscarer

stacker

dairy worker/farmer

lamb keeper

serviens

cowman

housemaid

serviens’ lad as beadle

Maslin for servants

The same answers for 7 quarters curall wheat, 4 quarters rye, 2 bushels beans, 5 quarters 6 bushels
peas and vetches mixed and 13 quarters multure received above for livery. And for 8 quarters
maslin received from John Barat serviens of Battersea by 1 tally. And for 1 quarter 7 bushels of
purchase. And for ½ bushel of increment by heaped [measure] at the same.

Sum 39 quarters 7½ bushels.

Of which in livery of 1 carter, 4 servant ploughmen, 1 dairy farmer and 1 shepherd keeping
200 alien ewes at the lord’s fold to have the manure, for the year 36 quarters 2½ bushels, each
taking a quarter per 10 weeks. In livery of 1 swineherd for the year 3 quarters 2 bushels, taking a
quarter per 16 weeks. In livery of 1 rook-scarer at both sowings 2 bushels. Given to the customary
tenants lifting the lord’s hay by custom 1 bushel.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The number of weeks one quarter of maslin was to last

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

weeks per quarter of maslin

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

ploughmen

cowman

housemaid (from 1352)

2nd carter

carter

shepherd

harrower

stacker

dairy worker/farmer

lamb keeper

birdscarer

swineherd

Maslin allowances

A proportion of the manor’s grain produce was allocated
for maslin [mixtura] for the household servants. This
was a mix of the poorer quality grains – curall wheat,
rye, barley, dredge and pulses (beans, peas and vetches),
together with the multure from the mill until 1346/47
(see page 17). Pulses were an unpopular form of
payment, grain being preferred, and they were seldom
included after 1348/49.213

As the proportion of different grains used could be
varied according to productivity there was seldom any
need to purchase maslin, so it is difficult to assess its
value. It was a valuable part of the servants’ pay, and
was probably worth more than the annual wages (see
page 48). As with wages, different categories of staff
were allocated different amounts of maslin, or rather a
quarter of maslin was allocated for different periods of
time. Thus ploughmen received a quarter every 9 or 10
weeks, whereas bird-scarers and lamb-keepers received
a bushel a fortnight, calculated at the rate of a quarter
for 16 weeks.

Until 1322 the dairy worker did not receive a maslin
allowance during the weeks of harvest, as she ate ‘at
table’ with the harvest supervisory staff, a meal which
she had prepared (see pages 101, 127). This custom
does not appear to have continued after c.1330, but the
housemaid, employed after dairy farming in Morden
came to an end in 1352, similarly did not receive a maslin
allowance during harvest.

Although there was some variation in rates of allocation,
especially in the case of short-term workers, most rates
remained fairly constant over the period, apart from
a one-off increase during 1349/50 following the Black
Death (see page 181).214 In fact there had been an
increased allowance during the plague year itself, but this
had been in the form of an allowance ‘by way of gratuity’
[curialiter] of 2 bushels to the carter, ploughmen,
shepherd and dairy worker.215 This gratuity has not
been included in the charts on this or the facing page.

From 1321/22, a bushel of maslin was regularly allocated
to share among the tenant workers during haymaking,
though this is too small an amount to register on the
chart on the right.216

The serviens, the reap-reeve, and later the stacker,
received their livery in wheat, rather than in maslin.

How each quarter of maslin was accounted for

incoming maslin outgoing maslin

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

Curall Wheat Rye/Mixstillio Barley

Pulses Dredge Mill Multure
Other estates Bought

Livery Haymaking Sold

Sold at Audit Brought/carried forward

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

quarters

Staff meals at Christmas, Easter and Harvest goose

total numbers of staff at:

staff involved

expenses (in shillings)

Christmas Easter Harvest goose

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

6 7 12

7 – 12

6 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 7 12

7 – –

7 7 12

7 7 12

10 10 12

10 10 12

9 9 13

10 10 13

10 10 13

10 10 13

10 10 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

12 12 13

13 13 15

13 13 15

13 13 14

13 13 15

13 13 15

12 12 14

13 – 16

13 13 16

12 12 15

12 12 15

13 13 14

13 13 12

13 13 10

11 13 12

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

no accounts after Jan

EXPENSES

Christmas

Easter

Harvest goose

geese at Harvest

STAFF

dairy worker

housemaid

carter

ploughman

cowman

shepherd

reeve

serviens

beadle

miller

smith

bailiff

visiting serviens

reap-reeve

stacker

other

shillings

(+ geese)

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

figures in italics are calculated

on a per capita basis

Black pictograms denote staff specified in this part of the record.

Grey pictograms denote staff mentioned elsewhere in the record.

Communal meals

The maslin allowance was of raw grain, intended for home consumption by the staff and their families. However,
most account rolls record around 2 quarters of oats a year being made into oatmeal for the servants’ pottage, which
was prepared by the dairy worker or the maid, and it seems likely that this was eaten during working hours.217 The
earliest accounts mention peas and beans rather than oatmeal.218 A couple of accounts specify that 2 bushels of salt
were purchased during the year for this pottage.219

Until c.1330 the dairy worker was also responsible for catering for those ‘at table’ [ad mensam] during the weeks of
harvest – such as the reeve/serviens, the beadle, the reap-reeve and sometimes the stacker, plus the dairy worker herself
(though she is not mentioned after 1313), as well as the bailiff, visiting serviens or other officials on the days that they
visited. Costs of wheat, rye, malt, meat, fish, cheeses and ale are detailed until 1324/25 but the total expenditure alone
is given from 1327/28 (see page 127).220 The rest of the household servants would have eaten with the other harvest
workers (see page 125), though they still received their maslin allowance during these weeks, unlike the dairy worker
before 1322. This meal seems to have ceased around 1330, and thereafter a livery of wheat was paid during harvest to
the reeve, reap-reeve, and sometimes the stacker, perhaps in compensation for the meal. The dairy worker employed
from c.1330-1350 received a maslin allowance throughout the year, but the housemaid who was employed after the
end of dairy farming in Morden did not receive a maslin allowance during the weeks of harvest.

There are also references to the household servants sharing a meal called ‘harvest goose’ [repgos or auca autumpni] to
celebrate the end of harvest. Early accounts give details of expenditure on meat and ale,221 at a rate of 1½d per head,
of which 55% was spent on ale and 45% on meat. Between 1287/88 and 1294/95 2 geese were also recorded as being
provided from stock each year.222 After this date no details are given other than total expenditure, still at 1½d per head,
even though the manor had a flock of geese, and it is possible that the communal meal was replaced by a cash payment.

As well as the reeve/serviens and the household servants, ‘harvest goose’ was also attended by the harvest supervisors
– the reap-reeve, the stacker, the beadle (or his substitute), sometimes the visiting serviens, and occasionally even the
monk-bailiff. In addition, a smith and two millers, not on the regular payroll, are frequently mentioned in the ‘harvest
goose’ accounts, the millers until 1307/08 and the smith until attendees cease to be listed in 1326/27.223 Numbers
sometimes reached 16, though the total settled at 12 from 1330/31, irrespective of the number actually employed.

The ploughing boonworks at the winter and Lenten sowings, which are mentioned between 1310/11 and 1322/23 (see
page 115), also incurred expenses that may represent a communal meal, especially as the dairy worker was always
listed, together with serviens and beadle, the smith from 1317/18, and between 14 and 24 men with their ploughs – 1
plough per 2 men. The expenses work out to around 1½d a head.224

The smith is also twice mentioned in connection with meals on Christmas and Easter days, which, until 1319/20,
regularly had 12 or 13 staff in attendance.225 Although few details are given, it seems likely that, in addition to the
reeve/serviens and 7 or 8 household servants, these would normally have included the beadle, the millers and the
smith. In 1280/81 the accounts list expenses for ale and meat, at around 2d per head all told. The following year the
entry, under ‘In remittance of rent of reeve and servants’, is for ‘bread, ale and companagium’ (a term for any food eaten
with bread – such as meat, fish or cheese – though now often translated ‘relish’), also at 2d per head. Thereafter it is
entered in the ‘Petty expenses’ section of the account as ‘expenses of X household servants for Christmas and Easter
days’ until 1335/36, when it becomes ‘food and oblations for servants on Christmas and Easter days’ (see extract on
page 22).226 Between 1287/88 and 1332/33 each meal seems to have been calculated at 1½d per head, but thereafter
it was at 2d per head.227 From 1321/22 numbers dropped to 9 or 10, and after 1335/36 to 6 or 7.

These communal meals may be a survival from an earlier period when ‘household servants’ lived in and ate together.
In Carolingian Francia the tasks performed by our ploughmen and carters were performed by live-in slaves who were
later settled on servile smallholdings. Similar arrangements probably existed in Saxon England.228 Even in 1086 one
slave is recorded on Westminster Abbey’s estate at Morden.

The correlation between the number of demesne ploughs recorded on each manor in Domesday Book and the number
of slaves and cottars (who only held cottage plots) has led to the understanding that the prime responsibility of Saxon
agricultural slaves was as ploughmen, a system gradually replaced by one in which ploughmen were granted a small
landholding in part return for their labour.229 The Domesday entry for Morden, with 3 demesne ploughs, 8 villeins,
5 cottars and 1 slave, corresponds to this ratio of 2 ploughmen for each plough. However, any connection between
servant ploughmen and landholdings seems to have been lost by the time the manorial accounts begin.

Daily rates of pay of various building workers at the manor and the church (in pence)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL 4

SAL3,5

SAL6/7

27306-7

SAL 13/10,12

SAL14-15

27308

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324-5

27326

27327-29

27331-32

27333-4

27335-6

27337-8

27339-40

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

012345671279128012811282128312841285128612871288128912901291129212931294129512961297129812991300130113021303130413051306130713040134113421343134413451346134713481349135013511352135313541355135613571358sawyercarpenter
daily rates of pay

sawyer

carpenter

roofer

roofer & mate

roofer’s mate

tiler & mate

+

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

(weekly rates have been converted to daily rates on the basis of a 6-day working week)

Craftsmen

The only mention of a miller [molendinarius] in the Morden account rolls is in connection with the servants’ communal
meals (see page 101), when 2 millers are recorded. ‘Working a mill single-handed would have been at best difficult,
and millers often – perhaps always – had a boy to help them’.230 The mill was leased at farm during the period covered
by the extant account rolls, the miller paying ‘multure’ [multura] in kind until 1351/52, and thereafter a cash sum
(see page 17). There is no record of a miller paying rent for his dwelling, so it is likely that he had living quarters
within the mill complex (see pages 12-17). However, one miller is named in the records as renting land somewhere
in Morden. The 1312 Extent or valuation of the manor informs us, ‘Thomas the miller holds a curtilage and 6 acres
land, rendering rent at Michaelmas of 7d’.231 The late 14th-century court rolls have many references to people with the
surname Melleward, Molneward or Mulneward, and a debt and detinue case at the manor courts of 1398-9 between
Henry Milward and his son-in-law over ‘tolcorn’ might indicate that the family was still involved in milling.232

Similarly the smith [faber] is mentioned at the servants’ communal meals, but did not receive a regular wage or a maslin
allowance with the household servants. Instead he was paid for the various jobs he did, such as fitting ironwork – to
ploughs, carts, tools and utensils and to mill equipment – and shoeing horses. Sometimes his charges include the iron as
well as the labour, so payments cannot always be compared. As well as a smith fitting iron to the plough, the account roll for
1287/88 refers to a farrier [marescallus] ‘shoeing 2 carthorses and treating draught horses for malum linguae’ – normally
translated as foot and mouth disease, though horses cannot contract that – and in 1322/23 there is an entry of 6d for
‘treating one infirm horse’ (see page 59).233 The smith may have also been responsible for binding a new 3-gallon bronze
pot with iron in 1341/42, but other repairs to bronze pots and basins were probably done by itinerant metalworkers.234

The carpenter [carpentarius] was not a member of staff, but was employed as and when he was needed, usually being
paid at a daily rate, though those involved in long-term projects were paid at a weekly rate, and some were paid at
piecework or ‘by fixed agreement’.235 As most buildings were wooden structures, the carpenter was employed in
building and repairing the various buildings belonging to the demesne, and making and installing fitments, such as
mangers [praecepium] and stalls [stallus] for beasts [bestia], which took 2 men 2 days in 1349/50.236 He also made
and repaired carts and other agricultural equipment.237 His skills were required at the mill, not just with the buildings
but also in connection with the complex waterworks belonging to it. A new mill was erected in Morden in 1312/13
(see pages 14-15). It was made at the abbey’s manor of Aldenham in Hertfordshire, where 1 carpenter was paid for
13 weeks, 1 for 8 weeks, 1 for 3 weeks and 1 for 9 weeks. It was then transported in 45 cartloads to Morden, where 1
carpenter spent 3 weeks ‘making the said mill house and erecting it’, and 1 spent 4 weeks ‘for making anew the outlets
and removing [removent] the whole mill’.238

The timbers of the old mill were reused the following year, when 2 sawyers [sarrator] were paid 2s 3d for ‘sawing
groundsills for the stable and for the hay-house from old timber from the mill for 3 days’.239 Although the felling,
sawing and trimming of timber seems to have been done by tenants or household servants, a pair of sawyers were
employed for more demanding tasks. Thus 2 sawyers spent 17 days sawing timber in Aldenham for the new mill, and
8 sawyers were ‘hired for 3 weeks and 2 sawyers for 2 weeks sawing timber for the same mill’.240 Again, in 1357/58, 2
sawyers were paid 4 shillings for sawing boards for 4 days ‘for repairing the flood-gate [le floudzat ]’.241

Buildings were usually thatched, using local straw. The roofer [cooperatorius or tector] and his mate were usually paid
at a daily rate, though some by piecework.242 However, by 1409/10 some of the manor buildings were tiled (see page
145).243 There are also references to the purchase of tiles for the chancel of St Lawrence’s church – 8000 tiles were
bought from Westerham and 1000 from Kingston in 1358, the tiler [tegulator] and his mate being paid 6 shillings for
10 days’ work repairing the roof.244 In 1320/21 1000 shingles [schingel] had been purchased for roofing the church,
the old shingles and thatch being sold (see page 161).245

One other local craft appears in our records, pottery at Cheam. On the Tuesday of Whitsun week 1393, 3 potters
from Cheam were among a group of Cheam residents who assaulted John Gildene, ‘the abbot’s servant’, at Morden.246
This seems to have been part of an ongoing conflict over common rights in Sparrowfeld, claimed by Cheam, Malden,
Cuddington, Ewell and Morden (see page 173).247

Rates of pay seem to have fluctuated. Some higher rates might relate to undisclosed assistants or materials being
included in the cost. Another factor might be the complexity of the work being done. Thus, in 1312/13, ‘1 roofer with
his mate roofing the solar and cart-house for 5 days’ were paid 22½d, ‘taking per day 4½d’, while ‘1 roofer with his
mate roofing the great barn for 12 days’ were paid 7s, ‘taking per day 7d’.248 One payment far above any others was
in 1355/56, when a roofer was paid 16 shillings ‘for roofing 27 rafters [cheveronus] over the sheep-house [bercaria]
by agreement [de convencione]’. This did not include payment for a mate, as he was assisted by customary tenants, 27
labour services (see page 109) being allocated for ‘roofing over the new sheep-house for 14½ days’.249

Not surprisingly the peak years were 1312/13 when the mill was rebuilt, and the years immediately following the Black
Death, both times when the demand for labour pushed wage rates up.

Rent of assize

The same answers for 18s 0½d from rent for the Christmas term. And for 18s 0½d from rent for
the Easter term. And for 18s 0½d from rent for the term of the Nativity of St John the Baptist.
And for 2s 8d of Medsilver at the same term. And for 22s 11d from rent for the Michaelmas
term. And for 5s from tallage of customary tenants at the same term. And for 1d from rent of
William atte Thorne at the same term.

Sum £4 4s 9½d.

Above and at foot of facing page:

extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Net rents and customary dues, in cash and in kind, paid by tenants

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

shillings (poultry, hurdles and ploughfeet) per year

160

155

150

145

140

135

130

125

120

115

110

105

100

95

90

85

80

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

rent increments

farm of customary
land in lord’s hand

hurdles (net)

tallage (net)

medsilver (net)

farm of mill

poultry

rents of assize (net)

farm of plots of
demesne land

ploughfeet

as chevage

all paid in cash

all paid in kind

The tenants – rents and customary dues

All tenants paid rent, both in cash and in kind. Free and customary tenants each paid a fixed annual sum as rent of
assize [redditus assisus] for their holding, usually in four equal instalments at the traditional quarter days.

A number of tiny new holdings were established, especially during the last two decades of the 13th century and the
first decades of the 14th, as tenants built extra cottages on their tenements, encroached on roadside waste, or sold small
plots from their holdings, either for building or for agricultural use. Many of these transactions are recorded in the
manorial court rolls, and the results are listed in the Extent of 1312 under the heading ‘Rent Increments’ [incrementum
redditus]. As lord of the manor, the abbey charged a penny or so in rent for each of these, and each new increment
was recorded separately in the account roll in the first year, and added to the total rents of assize thereafter, though
for some reason the 1d rent of William atte Thorne was always recorded as a separate item.250

The lord was also entitled to levy an arbitrary sum as tallage [taillagium] from the customary tenantry as a whole,
though by the early 14th century, this had been fixed at 5 shillings and by the middle of that century had been allocated
to individual tenements at the rate of 4¼d per virgate.251

Another annual charge was medsilver [medselver], a term which first appears in 1288 and totalled 2s 8d, calculated
at the rate of 2d per virgate.252 This seems to have been a development from the payment of ‘2s from the men of Ewell
and Morden to aid the mowing of the demesne meadow’ in earlier account rolls. The Custumal of c.1225 states that
the Ewell tenants owe 3d ‘for mowing’ [pro falcatone].253

The customary tenants at Morden also provided hurdles [clades] for the lord’s sheepfold, at the rate of 1 per virgate,
half-virgates providing half a hurdle a year. It is not explained how this worked in practice.254

The abbey’s properties in Ewell were also administered from the manor of Morden (see page 167). As well as ‘rents of
assize’ and ‘medsilver’ the Ewell tenants sent poultry at Christmas – 4 cocks valued at 1½d each and 6 hens valued at
2d each. However, the Custumal of c.1225 had stated that the tenants from Ewell owed 10 hens and 1 cock.255

Villeins or serfs [nativus] were supposedly ‘tied’ to the estate, and were not allowed to leave without the lord’s licence.
Between 1311 and 1336 John Brounyng or Brounygges paid 1 iron plough-foot [ferrum pedale] a year, valued at 2½d,
as chevage [chevagium], a customary payment for permission to live outside the manor. It is not clear if a plough-foot
was the standard payment or if John was a smith.256 Later tenants paid 2 capons a year for chevage.257

Tenants who served official functions such as reeve and beadle were acquitted their rent, tallage and medsilver during
their term of office, and the ‘Expenses’ part of the accounts includes a section headed ‘Quittances and defaults of
rent’ or something similar.258 Following the Black Death several customary tenements reverted into the lord’s hand
for lack of tenants, and the defaulted rents of assize, tallage and medsilver due from these tenements were also listed
here. The chart opposite shows the net incomes after these deductions have been made. At first it was only possible
to find tenants willing to take on a few acres of these vacant tenements, but in time each entire tenement was either
leased at farm [ad firmam] or granted as copyhold.259 These ‘farms’ [firma] and ‘new rents’ [novus redditus] were
then listed after the ‘rents of assize’ in the ‘Income’ section of the accounts.260

Sometimes plots of demesne land were leased at farm for a fixed period of years, while from 1351 to 1358 the farm
of the manorial mill was also paid in cash (see page 17), these incomes being listed among the ‘Farms’.261 Sometimes
the dairy herd and the poultry were leased at farm (see pages 67, 79), but the income from these was always listed
under the ‘Issues of the manor’ and has therefore not been included in the chart opposite.

EXPENSES

Quittances and defaults of rent

First he accounts in rent paid to Bartholomew de Kenewarduslee for land at Geldenehelde for
the year 4s. And in default of rent of land formerly Robert Fabian for the year because in the
lord’s hand 2s 4d.

Sum 6s 4d.

The frequency of manorial courts between 1280 and 1358,

and the profits accruing therefrom to the lord of the manor,

as recorded in the manorial account rolls

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

shillings

The months in which courts were held

[Most manorial accounts ran from Michaelmas (29 September) to Michaelmas]

October

March

August

November

April

September

December

May

January

June

February

July

dates not specified

The tenants – profits of the manorial court

Tenants owed suit at the manorial court, traditionally held every three weeks [de tribus septimanis in tres septimanas]
but in reality seldom held more than twice a year other than in exceptional circumstances. If a tenant failed to attend
the court, and had not ‘essoined himself’ – sent apologies for absence – he would be ‘amerced’ or fined. Also every
resident male of 12 years of age or over had to be sworn into a ‘tithing’ – originally a group of ten households – and was
required to attend the annual ‘View of frankpledge’ [Visus franciplegii] held with the manorial court, defaulters again
being amerced. The View of frankpledge was also the occasion for the tenantry to pay the lord of the manor a ‘common
fine’, fixed at 6s 8d, though attempts were made during the 15th century to change this to a per capita charge of 1d.

Tenants could be amerced for a variety of offences – failure to keep ditches and watercourses scoured and buildings
and bridges in good condition; felling of trees or demolition of buildings without licence; trespass, by the tenant or his
livestock, or encroachment on demesne land or public highways; cases of debt, assault and theft; false accusation and
unjustly raising the hue and cry; failure to answer an accusation or to pursue a prosecution – they even had to pay for
licence to settle a dispute out of court. Those who brewed ale or baked bread were expected to sell to their neighbours,
but were then amerced for ‘breaking the assize’. They were further amerced if they served ale in ‘unsealed measures’
(ie those without the official seal of approval) or sold underweight bread. If the amercement was not paid, their goods
could be distrained. Neighbours would act as pledges to ensure that litigants attended court or that amercements were
paid, and, if the litigant defaulted, the pledge could then be amerced and distrained.

But the manorial court was also a place for the community to conduct its business. Local officials were elected at
the manor court – chief pledges or head-tithingmen [capitalis], constables [constabularius] and ale-tasters [tastator
cervisie] were appointed for East Morden, West Morden and for the abbey’s estate in Ewell. Matters concerning the
communal conduct of agriculture were also settled at court. At first we have cases of tenants overstocking the common
pastures, or allowing outsiders to use them. Later we have all sorts of ‘ordinances’ [ordinatio] regarding such matters
as the ringing of pigs and the pasturing of cattle. Penalties were allotted, and failure to comply resulted in the penalty
being forfeited to the lord of the manor. The manorial court also recorded livestock straying onto the manor and
arrangements for proclaiming them in church, fair and market. Strays still unclaimed after a year and a day were
forfeited to the lord (see page 83).

The transfer of property was legitimised at the court. Sale of freehold land gave rise to the payment of ‘relief’ [relevium]
to the lord of the manor, and the new owner did the lord ‘fealty’ [fidelitas]. Customary land was surrendered into the
lord’s hand ‘to the use of’ [ad opus] the new tenant, who paid an entry fine and did fealty. The death of customary
tenants was reported at court, and heirs were invited to claim the property. If no heirs came forward the property
was taken in hand, the bailiff answering to the court for any profits. Heriot [herietum] – usually the best animal – was
payable to the lord of the manor on the death of a customary tenant, and sometimes on the transfer of a holding outside
of the family (see page 183). If only part of a holding was transferred, it became liable to an annual ‘rent increment’.

Disputes between tenants over such matters as boundaries and rights of way were settled by ‘inquests’ [inquisitio]
undertaken by ‘jurors’ [jurator], local people who knew the background to the dispute – if necessary a search could
be made of earlier court rolls – all for a fee. The setting of amercements and fines was the responsibility of ‘affeerers’
[afferator], a group of two or three of the leading tenants. Even though many entry fines, and even some amercements,
were ‘respited’ [respectare] or waived, the manorial court was a valuable asset to the lord.

Most of the extant court rolls for the manor of Morden date from between 1378 and 1543, when the demesne was
leased at farm.262 Six rolls survive from 1296 to 1300, and one roll from 1327/28.263 The manorial account roll for the
latter year is extant, but not those for the earlier years.264 Most account rolls list the dates of courts held during the
accounting year, together with the total income therefrom.

Profits of the Court

The same answers for 3s 5d for 1 Court held 17th October. And for 18d for 1 Court held 6th
February. And for 16s 4d for View with Court held 13th April

Sum 21s 3d.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The duties of a customary tenant in 1312

Extract from CUL Kk 5.29 f.41v, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

CUSTOMARY TENANTS:

William Attechirche holds [30 acres] formerly belonging to John de Marreys at a rent of 3s at
the four principal terms equally. And he shall give 2d as medsilver at the aforesaid time. And he
shall do between Michaelmas and 1 August 60 works at ½d per work. And between 1 August and
Michaelmas he shall do 12 works and the value of the works is 1½d. And he shall do 4 carrying
services by horse per year to Westminster. And he shall have 1 loaf of meynebred and 1½ gallons
of ‘nun’s ale’. The value of the work over and above deductions is ¾d. And he shall find 1 man at
the shearing of the lord’s sheep with bread and cheese after dinner and the value of the works is ½d.
And he shall find 1 man at haymaking in the lord’s meadow until the lord completes it. And he shall
have on the last day bread and cheese once in the day, and the value of the work over and above
deductions is nothing. And he shall find at each of 5 boonworks 1 man and the value is ½d. And he
shall plough twice a year. And he shall harrow the same number of times with food provided by the
lord if he has animals and if not he shall give nothing. And he shall carry dung for 3 days with one
meal a day. And the value of the work is ½d for each day over and above deductions. And he shall
find 1 man at the cleaning of the mill pond as above. And he shall plough 1 rood without food and
the value of the work is 1½d. And he shall give 1 hurdle at the lord’s sheepfold per year and the
annual value is ½d. And he shall weed for 1 day with food provided by the lord at the will of the lord.

William Attechirche held 1½ virgates, so his obligations were more than other customary tenants. Holders
of a single virgate owed 40 winter works and 8 harvest works, but other obligations were the same.

The tenants – labour services

As well as renders in cash and kind, the customary tenants also provided labour services [opus] on the demesne
land.265 By the beginning of the 13th century these services were well established and were written in the Custumal as
obligations on individual customary tenants (see overleaf).266 These obligations were repeated in the Extent of 1312, but
a monetary value was added, should the lord be willing to take cash in lieu of labour (see facing page and overleaf).267
Over succeeding years individual labour services were ‘sold’, but this was only at the lord’s discretion, the tenant having
no right to commute his labour service for cash. When the demesne was leased at farm after 1359 the leases included
‘customary services’, in addition to the land, crops and livestock.268 The obligation to render labour services remained
in force well into the 16th century, though in 1402 one of the chief pledges and his son were amerced for refusing ‘to
do ploughing services as they ought according to custom by the Custumal’.269 As late as 1570 John Smith, a copyhold
tenant of the manor, acknowledged that he owed the full range of labour services as set out in the Custumal and the
Extent, and came to an agreement with the lord of the manor to pay one pound a year to be ‘wholly exonerated and
acquitted from the works, carrying services, boonworks and other services abovenamed’ forever.270

The burden of weekly labour services was heavy, but in Morden it was not as heavy as on other estates where the
requirement could be for three or four days a week. In Morden the holder of a customary virgate was required to do
one ‘work’ a week, 40 ‘winter works’ [opus hiemale / opus manuale] between Michaelmas and 1 August, each of which
would take up half a day, and 8 works during harvest, each taking the whole day. Only four weeks a year were free of
these works, around the Christian festivals of Christmas, Easter and Whitsun.

Morden’s tenants also had to do a further 5 days work during harvest at ‘boonworks’ [precaria], 3 with food and drink
provided by the lord, and 2 ‘dry boonworks’ [precaria sicca] where food was provided but not ale (see pages 126-7).

In addition occasional services were required during the year. Some were clearly defined and had a monetary value:-

• to do 4 carrying services by horse [averagium ad equum] to Westminster

• to load/carry dung [cariare] for 3 days

• to plough [arrare] 1 rood of demesne land.

Other occasional services were more open ended, some having no monetary value:

• to wash and shear [lavare et tondere] the lord’s sheep until completed

• to lift and load/carry hay [levare et cariare] in the lord’s meadows until completed

• to plough and harrow [arrare et herciare] twice a year (at ploughing boonworks)

• to scour [scurare] or cleanse [mundare] the mill pond every 10 years

• to weed [sarculare] for 1 day.

The obligation to do weekly labour services was one of the defining marks of a villein. Free tenants did not do these
works, though all tenants were under obligation to help the lord bring in his harvest. Free tenants, including those
holding tenements in Ewell, had to provide labourers to work at the five harvest boonworks in Morden.

In 1287/88 the auditors instructed ‘Henceforth [the reeve] is to account for all labour services on the manor’ (see
extract on page 194), and in the next extant roll, for 1290/91, the sale of labour services are entered.271 Surprisingly
the reeve did not begin recording on the account rolls how the labour services were allocated until 1320/21, though
the auditors had noted on the roll for 1317/18 ‘Henceforth he shall make account of labour services and customs’ (see
page 194).272 The reeve and the beadle were both excused their labour services during their terms of office.

Labour services were just one of the sources of labour employed on the demesne. The various tasks of the farming
year are examined in more detail in the following pages.

Sale of labour services

The same answers for 19½d for 13 ploughing works sold, price of a work 1½d. And for 18d
for 18 carrying services sold, price of a work 1d. And for 9s 10d for 236 winter works sold,
price of a work ½d.

Sum 12s 11½d.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

A summary of the value of labour services in 1312

Total ploughing work by custom of Mederth: 3 acres 1 rood, which are valued at 19½d

Total customary works carrying dung: 15, which are valued at 7½d

Total manual works between Michaelmas and 1st August: 540 which are valued at 22s 6d

Total works manual between 1st August and Michaelmas: 108 which are valued at 13s 6d

Total great boonworks at the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn: 166 which are valued at 13s 10d

Total dry boonworks at the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn: 36 boonworks valued at 3s

Total carrying services to Westminster: 56 carrying services which are valued at 3s 6d

Extract from CUL Kk 5.29 f.43v, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

The duties of a customary tenant in 1225

Concerning customary tenants:

Hugh West holds one virgate of land 20 acres for which he owes 2s at the 4 terms and each week one
work. In harvest to reap in a week ½ acre and at five boonworks to provide one man. Likewise to do
carrying services 4 times in a year. He must [plough] 2 two acres per year with food and 1 without
food. And to weed, with food, and to harrow twice in a year. They must clean the pond, with food.
They must mow the meadow, with food, and lift, without food, and carry, with food. They must
carry corn once, with food. They must for three days carry hay and the third day to have food.

Extract from WAM 9287, a Custumal of c.1225

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Hugh West’s is the standard entry for customary tenants,

and his services also apply to the other customary tenants.

The agricultural year

For any agricultural community, life is dominated by the seasons – ‘seedtime and harvest, and cold and heat, and
summer and winter’.273 The essential tasks of ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing follow one another in an endless
cycle. Meadows have to be mown at the right time, protected from livestock at one period, and opened to them at
another. Similarly the livestock need constant care – whether feeding and watering, or milking of cows and ewes and
washing and shearing of sheep. ‘To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven’.274

But fortunately there were also periods of relaxation and celebration – Sundays and other ‘holy days’ or holidays, and
especially the three great festivals of the Church, Christmas, Easter and Pentecost. And there were more secular festivities
such as Hocktide (the second Monday and Tuesday after Easter) and May Day and, of course, the celebrations when
the harvest had finally been brought in. However, some of these compulsory holidays may not have been welcomed,
especially if one coincided with a fine day in the middle of harvest, or if gainful employment was available. No doubt
a search of the records of church courts would reveal prosecutions of those who did ‘servile work’ (ie work for gain)
on a festival day.275

Some of the most detailed depictions of medieval agricultural life are found in calendars, each month being illustrated
to show the activities regularly undertaken (see page 87).

The annual cycle is illustrated in the diagram below,276 and in the pages that follow each task is examined, and
consideration is given as to how the tasks were allocated among the different groups that made up the workforce.

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

Ratio of livestock units per
100 acres of sown arable

100

99

98

97

96

95

94

93

92

91

90

89

88

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

76

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

used

Labour services:

Carting Dung

by dung-carrying services and
by winter/manual works

YEAR RATIO REF

1280-81 24.43 27282

1281-82 20.97 27283

1282-83 23.26 27284/5

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88 22.96 27287/8

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91 24.55 27289

1291-92 25.69 27290/1

1292-93 21.91 27292

1293-94

1294-95 25.07 27293

1295-96 21.68 27294

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03 20.90 27295

1303-04 21.21 27297

1304-05 20.05 27298/90

1305-06

1306-07 24.95 27300

1307-08 24.63 27301/2

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11 20.08 SAL 1

1311-12 20.18 27303

1312-13 20.90 27304

1313-14 18.24 27305

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18 30.60 SAL2

1318-19

1319-20 27.61 SAL3

1320-21 9.89 SAL6-7

1321-22 17.34 27306

1322-23 20.07 SAL13/10

1323-24

1324-25 18.23 SAL15

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28 16.24 27310

1328-29

1329-30 25.17 27311

1330-31 26.23 27312

1331-32

1332-33 29.89 BOD

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36 33.29 27313

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40 23.13 27314

1340-41 27315

1341-42 27.20 27316

1342-43 24.70 27317

1343-44

1344-45 28.37 27318

1345-46 30.66 27319

1346-47 32.44 27321

1347-48

1348-49 47.15 27322

1349-50 81.22 27323

1350-51 57.46 27324

1351-52 78.65 27326

1352-53 81.21 27327/29

1353-54 53.76 27331

1354-55

1355-56 75.05 27333

1356-57 71.05 27335

1357-58 58.02 27337

1358-59 27339

Maximum 81.22

Minimum 9.89

Average 32.42

not
used

by manual works

by dung-carrying services

tenements in hand

services sold at audit

services sold

acquitted to beadle

acquitted to reeve

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

Muckspreading

The fertility of meadows and arable fields was improved by the use of animal manure. Sheep were ‘folded’ on the
fallow land at night, using a movable sheepfold made of hurdles, and the cattle belonging to the demesne grazed in
the meadows during the summer months and were moved on to the arable lands after harvest, leaving their manure
to enrich the soil. Around the beginning of November they were moved into the yard or the byre for winter, where
they trod their dung into the straw, which was then collected into dung heaps before being carted out to the fields.

It is possible to calculate potential manure available from demesne livestock, using a formula that converts the total
livestock recorded in each year’s stock account into animal units according to size and feed requirements.277 A table of
the ratio of animal units per 100 acres of sown arable is shown on the facing page. This ratio is seldom high, especially
as the figures shown are somewhat exaggerated because some animals died, were sold or sent to another manor during
the year. The lowest point, in 1320/21, followed the severe murrain (see pages 61, 69, 179), and the highest ratios reflect
the expansion of sheep farming after the Black Death, though the sheep only spent a few months here (see page 71).

In 1345/46 and 1346/47 a final entry on the dorse of the membrane notes the number of acres manured with the fold
and with carts – 10 acres with the fold, 7 acres with carts the first year, 11 acres with the fold, 5½ acres with carts the
next (see extract on page 37). This entry also appears in 9 of the 11 extant accounts from the last 60 years of the 15th
century, when the manor was at farm, when 13 or 14 acres of the fallow were manured by the fold, and 4 acres by carts.278

In 1302/03 and 1303/04 the ‘Petty necessities’ account includes ‘expenses of 13 customary tenants carrying the lord’s
dung for 3 days for one meal’, and the Extent of 1312 confirms that customary tenants should work for 3 days at
carting dung.279 However, the summary at the end of the Extent listed just 15 labour services carrying dung, valued
at ½d each,280 and between 1322/23 and 1346/47 only 15 were accounted for in the newly-introduced ‘Labour service’
accounts,281 while in 1345/46 the ‘Petty necessities’ account only records the ‘expenses of 14 men for a boonwork helping
to carry and clear [extractere?] dung for 1 day for manuring land’.282 But, according to the extant rolls, only between
1342/43 and 1346/47 were these services taken up, the customary tenants using their own carts and horses for half a
day to carry the dung.283 In all other years the tenants made a cash payment instead. From 1348/49 the obligation of
3 days’ labour was imposed once more, the 13 customary tenants each being charged for release from these 39 works
for the remainder of the period, except where the tenement had come into the lord’s hand following the plague.284

The customary tenants were still required to perform muckspreading in most years, however, as part of their ‘manual’
or winter works. This involved ‘making’ [facere] ‘dung heaps’ [fimarium] , ‘filling’ [implere] dung carts, ‘carrying’
[carire] dung, ‘driving dung carts’ [ire ad carectam fimorum], and ‘spreading’ [spargere] dung.285 Manorial staff were
also involved, a man being employed from 1 January to 1 May 1354 for loading the dung cart, because the carter was
ploughing.286 In 1356/57 there is a reference to a great carting of dung for the 3 years preceding, which is not evident
from the labour service accounts, so it was presumably undertaken by manorial staff. The ‘Issues of the grange’ account
that year includes 3 quarters of oats for the 2 carthorses hauling dung out of the court in this great carting.287 Repairs
to manorial dung carts are mentioned in 1321/22 and 1351/52.288

In 1292 the ‘Petty expenses’ include ‘2,226 cartloads marl taken to the fields 61s 10d, namely 3 cartloads for 1d. In
spreading the same with servants’ assistance 13¼d’, a second carter being employed carrying marl from May until
August.289 A second carter also carted marl in 1294/95 ‘for 7 weeks in summer’, and in 1302/03, 1312/13, and 1313/14
additional cartwheel expenses were recorded ‘for marling’.290 Marl was a limy clay. In 1310/11 126 cartloads of earth
were carted ‘from the mill as far as Neuburicroft for manuring the land’, by piecework, at 2d for 7 cartloads.291

Dung-carrying services

price of a work ½d.

The same answers for 15 dung-carrying services arising from 13 customary tenants, the price
of a work ½d.

Sum 15 works.

And all accounted in carrying dung from the Court with their own carts and horses to the lord’s
fields for ½-day.

And none remains.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

Labour services:

Ploughing boonworks

expenses and persons in attendance

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

persons in attendance
shillings

RAVENSBURY

WINTER

LENTEN

expenses

men ploughing

visiting serviens

serviens

lad

beadle

dairy worker

smith

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

Ploughing services

How each ploughing service was accounted for

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

used

ploughing 1 rood

tenements in hand

services sold at audit

services sold

acquitted to beadle

acquitted to reeve

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

not used

Ploughing

Ploughing was a year-round activity. In February the fields that had been under wheat and rye were ploughed ready
for the spring or Lenten sowing of oats, barley and legumes. The fallow fields normally underwent their first ploughing
between Easter and Whitsun. This was sometimes repeated on part of the fallow in June and again in October, ready
for the winter sowing of wheat and rye. The extant account rolls from the second half of the 15th century, when the
demesne was leased at farm, note ’18 acres of fallow land reploughed [rebinatio] and manured’.292

Most of the ploughing on the demesne was done by permanent staff. Usually 4 ploughmen [carrucarius or carrucator]
were employed, working in pairs – the plough-holder [tentor] who steered the plough and the plough-driver [fugator]
who drove the oxen pulling the plough.

Additional ploughing services could be claimed from tenants. The Custumal of c.1225 states ‘And he must plough
two acres per year with food and 1 without food’, but by 1312 the third occasion only involved a half-day, ploughing
a quarter of an acre.293 The 1312 Extent has two entries regarding ploughing. The first states ‘And he shall plough
twice a year. And he shall harrow the same number of times with food provided by the lord if he has animals and if
not he shall give nothing’.294

This refers to the ploughing boonworks for the winter and Lenten sowing, a custom that is only recorded between
1310/11 and 1327/28.295 The ‘Petty necessities’ section of the account includes the expenses in providing food at these
occasions, and lists the staff that attended (see chart at top of facing page). The smith, although not a member of staff,
was included because he was responsible for plough repairs. The dairy worker was there to prepare the food. It was
not just customary tenants who attended the boonworks – Morden’s ‘free tenants’, who were free from weekly labour
services, had to attend both ploughing and harvest boonworks if required. Thus Geoffrey le Sweyne ‘shall plough
twice in a year with food provided by the lord twice a day if he has a plough [team] or with as many as he can yoke,
at the will of the lord’.296 In 1321/22 the manor tenants were joined by 4 men ‘of the lord William de Herle’, who had
that year obtained a lifetime conveyance of the manor of Ravensbury, which had lands in both Morden and Mitcham
parishes (see pages 3, 9), from Florence, daughter and heiress of John de la Mare de Bradewell, and her first husband,
Philip de Orreby. In 1338 Florence and her second husband, Nicholas le Fraunceys, quitclaimed all their rights to
the estate to de Herle.297 It is difficult to see how attendance at a Morden manorial boonwork could be justified, and
it seems to have not been repeated.

The other reference in the 1312 Extent is ‘And he shall plough 1 rood without food and the value of the work is 1½d’.298
This refers to the winter ploughing service ‘by custom of Mederth’ or ‘Nedherth’, a title given in the summary to the
Extent and in the account roll for 1324/25, restricted to customary tenants.299

The charts on the facing page show how seldom these services were demanded, though it must be borne in mind that
the account rolls did not start recording the winter ploughing services until 1324/25. Ploughing services were revived
for three years following the Black Death, when two staff ploughmen died (see page 181).300

Once a field had been ploughed the sowers would go out to scatter the seed from their ‘seed-baskets’ or ‘seedlips’
[semilio], closely followed by horse-drawn harrows [hercia], with a lad attending to chase away birds (see pages 87, 95).

WORKS ACCOUNT

Ploughing works

price of a work 1½d.

The same answers for 13 ploughing works arising from 13 customary tenants, each of whom
ploughs 1 rood of land at the sowing of wheat, the price of a work 1½d.

Sum 13 works.

And sold within.

And it balances.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

Manual works

490

480

470

460

450

440

430

420

410

400

390

380

370

360

350

340

330

320

310

300

290

280

270

260

250

240

230

220

210

200

190

180

170

160

150

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

290

300

310

320

330

340

350

360

370

380

390

400

410

420

430

440

450

460

470

480

490

500

used

How each manual work was
accounted for

(each square represents 10 works)

ploughing

carting

fencing

millpond and waterworks

roofing

ditching

haymaking

cutting straw

dung-carting

soil-breaking

weeding

cultivating beans

Easter harrowing

Lenten harrowing

Winter harrowing

drainage

tenements in hand

services sold at audit

services sold

acquitted to beadle

acquitted to reeve

during festival weeks

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

not used

Manual works

Winter works [opera hiemale], done between 29 September and 1 August, were also known as manual works [opera
manuale] because the worker did not have to supply his own equipment such as carts or ploughs. They were only
performed by customary tenants, and were calculated at 40 works for a full virgate, 20 for a half-virgate, and 60 for 1½
virgates. Each work took a half-day a week, though no works were exacted during the ‘festival weeks’ around Christmas,
Easter and Whitsun. Until 1335/36 three festival weeks were allowed, but thereafter it increased to four weeks.301

Manual works covered a variety of tasks as required:

 Harrowing [herciare], at 2 works per acre. This regularly took place after the winter and the Lenten sowings,
but in 1349/50 and 1350/51 continued after Easter, using the lord’s horses, as there was no carter,302

 Furrowing [sulcare], or making ‘water channels’ [sulcus aquaticus] to improve the drainage of the arable fields,

 Weeding or hoeing [sarculare] – there are several references to thistles [cardo],303

 Planting and tending beans, at around 3 works per bushel,

 As well as carting and spreading dung, tedding hay, scouring ditches, working on the waterworks of the mill
and cleaning the millpond, cutting straw for hurdles and roofing, assisting roofers, repairing fences, breaking
up soil, and even occasionally helping with the ploughing and carting.

In spite of the wide range of tasks, there were few years in which all the winter works were used, as some were regularly
sold, or sold at the audit (see page 195). However, there were no years when no works were exacted.

Manual works

price of a work per ½-day ½d.

The same answers for 520 manual works arising from the said customary tenants of which 1
customary tenant does 60 works between Michaelmas and 1 August, 12 customary tenants each
do 40½ works* for the same period and 1 customary tenant does 20 works for the same period,
deducting 4 festival weeks, the price of a work per ½-day ½d.

Sum 520 works.

Of which in harrowing the lord’s land at Lenten sowing this year 24 works. In planting 3 quarters
3 bushels beans this year 69 works, viz per bushel 2½ works. In cutting straw for roofing buildings and
hurdles for the fold 13 works. In carting and laying dung witnessed by bailiff 24 works. In hoeing
corn of every kind this year 148 works and so much this year because more sown than in the
previous year and the multitude of thistles. In breaking land for sowing with peas and beans 6
works. In sale 236 works.

Sum as above. And none remains.

* This should only be 40 works, not 40½. It should be 11 tenants not 12.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Extract from CUL Kk 5.29 f.41r, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

Geoffrey le Sweyne holds the tenement formerly belonging to Robert le Sweyne at a rent per
annum of 12d at the four principal terms equally. And he shall give as medsilver 1d at the
feast of St John the Baptist. And he shall find at each of the three boonworks of the lord’s corn
reaping in Autumn 2 men with food provided by the lord as above per work as above and at
2 dry boonworks for the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn, namely at each boonwork 1 man as
above worth as above. And he shall go with a rod over the reapers. And he shall find 1 man at
haymaking for 1 day in the lord’s meadow with food provided by the lord twice a day at the
lord’s will. And he shall find 1 man at the cleaning of the mill pond as often as it needs to be
done with food provided by the lord twice a day. And the value of the work over and above
deductions is ¼d. And they say that there are 15 who are assigned to this, and that it is not
necessary to clean the aforesaid pond if it is well cleaned for the space of 10 years. And the
total value of the work over and above deductions is 2s 11d. And so it is valued annually at
3½d. Also he shall find 1 man at the shearing of the lord’s sheep and he shall receive of the lord
after dinner bread and cheese. And the value of the work is ½d. And he shall plough twice in
a year with food provided by the lord twice a day if he has a plough [team] or with as many as
he can yoke, at the will of the lord.

Cleaning the mill pond

As well as performing weekly labour services and other regular services and boonworks, customary tenants were also
obliged to assist with other activities as and when required. These included ‘the cleaning of the mill pond as often as
it needs to be done’ [mundare stagnum molendini]. Geoffrey le Sweyne, who was a ‘free’ tenant in 1312 and so did
not owe weekly labour services, was liable for some of these additional services alongside the customary tenants. His
entry in the Extent is shown on the facing page. He was one of 15 tenants responsible for this task, but it only needed
doing once every 10 years ‘if it is well cleaned’. Henry Gulden, who held half a ‘free’ tenement, also owed this service. 304

The account rolls show this 10-year cycle. In 1312/13, when the new mill was built, the ‘expenses of 14 customary
tenants cleaning the mill pond by custom for 2 days’ amounted to 3s 6d. In 1323 7 manual works were used ‘in scouring
the mill pond’. In 1342/43 2s was spent ‘in expenses of customary tenants scouring the mill pond by custom with the
lord’s food’, and repair works were made to the mill pond from 1351 to 1353.305 The account for 1332/33 is not extant.

Geoffrey’s and Henry’s men were to be given a meal twice a day, but the customary tenants had ‘food and drink provided
by the lord sufficient for one meal’. Unlike the regular services, the tenants did not have to pay the lord should their
work not be required, but it seems that such occasions did not arise. 306

Sheep-shearing

Geoffrey le Sweyne also had to ‘find 1 man at the shearing of the lord’s sheep and he shall receive of the lord after
dinner bread and cheese. And the value of the work is ½d’.307 Robert Fabian and Walter Atte Wode, who held the other
half of Henry Gulden’s ‘free’ tenement, also had to ‘find 1 man at the lord’s sheep-shearing with bread and cheese after
dinner’.308 Customary tenants were also obliged to ‘wash and shear among themselves all the sheep of the manor with
food provided by the lord, namely bread and cheese at one meal as above’.309

This obligation has already been discussed on page 71. There were many years in which no sheep were kept on the
demesne.

Extract from CUL Kk 5.29 f.43v, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

They also say that the customary tenants among themselves shall lift all the hay from the meadows
of Swynesmed, Bereworthmed, Comstrodemed and they shall have from the lord bread and cheese
sufficient for one meal. And they shall wash and shear among themselves all the sheep of the manor
with food provided by the lord, namely bread and cheese at one meal as above. And also they must
clean the mill pond among themselves as often as is necessary with food and drink provided by
the lord sufficient for one meal. And if the aforesaid lord does not want to have the aforesaid
works they shall give for them nothing. Therefore they will not be valued.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Hoeing and Mowing

Also in hoeing corn of every kind this year nothing because by labour services as on the outside.
In mowing 4 acres meadow 2s, per acre 6d, viz in Eylond 1½ acres, in Geldenemad 3 roods,
in Neweburigardyn nothing this year because pastured with the lord’s yearlings, in Comstrod
1 acre 3 roods. In customary payment to customary tenants for lifting hay in the same 1 bushel
maslin as on the outside as appears under the heading for Maslin for servants. In cheese for the
same by custom 3d.

Sum 2s 3d.

Weeding by manual works and by piecework

(each unit represents 12d or 12 manual works)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

360

348

336

324

312

300

288

276

264

252

240

228

216

204

192

180

168

156

144

132

120

108

96

84

72

60

48

36

24

12

0

manual works

piecework (in pence)

manual works were not recorded before 1321

1281

1282

1283

1284

1285

1286

1287

1288

1289

1290

1291

1292

1293

1294

1295

1296

1297

1298

1299

1300

1301

1302

1303

1304

1305

1306

1307

1308

1309

1310

1311

1312

1313

1314

1315

1316

1317

1318

1319

1320

1321

1322

1323

1324

1325

1326

1327

1328

1329

1330

1331

1332

1333

1334

1335

1336

1337

1338

1339

1340

1341

1342

1343

1344

1345

1346

1347

1348

1349

1350

1351

1352

1353

1354

1355

1356

1357

1358

Haymaking

The crop of hay from the meadowlands was of great importance in the medieval economy (see page 53). Haymaking
took place in late June and July. According to the Custumal c.1225, customary tenants ‘must mow the meadow, with
food, and lift, without food, and carry, with food’. However the obligation to mow the meadows had been dropped by
1312, as the Extent states ‘And he shall find 1 man at haymaking in the lord’s meadow until the lord completes it. And
he shall have on the last day bread and cheese once in the day, and the value of the work over and above deductions
is nothing’.310 The earliest account rolls reveal that the mowing obligation had been commuted to a money payment,
over and above annual rent, of ‘2s from the men of Ewell and Morden to aid the mowing of the demesne meadow’.311
From 1288 this payment is replaced by ‘a certain payment which is called medsilver’, totalling 2s 8d, and calculated
at the rate of 2d per virgate holding.312 The ‘Hoeing and mowing’ section of the account rolls details the expenses
involved in mowing the meadow by piecework [ad tascam], the basic rate of pay ranging from 4d an acre, between
1288/89 and 1295/96, through 5d, 6d, and 8d an acre, increasing to 10d an acre in 1348/49, due to the ‘scarcity of
labour’ in the plague year (see page 53).

The requirement of ‘tedding, turning and lifting’ [spargand, vertend et levand] the hay remained, and the accounts from
1287/88 to 1303/04 record 1, 2 or 3 cheeses (depending on size) plus 1 bushel of rye being consumed ‘in expenses of
haymaking by custom’, an expense that is replaced from 1310/11 by 3d worth of cheese purchased, because the dairy
was leased at farm (see page 67), plus 1 bushel of servants’ maslin.313 Occasionally manual works were also used to
help with the tedding of the hay.314 The situation changed after the Black Death, when the account rolls begin to record
payment for piecework in haymaking as well as mowing.315

Before 1311, a single total is given for mowing expenses, but thereafter individual parcels of meadow are named.316
Between 1349/50 and 1358/59 there are entries for mowing 2 or 3 acres of meadow and headlands in West Morden,
formerly held by tenants, that had come into the lord’s hand as a result of the plague.317

Not all the grasslands were mown every year, some being used for grazing all year round (see page 53).318

Weeding

The weeding of the arable fields also took place after Midsummer Day, 24 June, as tradition asserted that thistles cut
before this would but multiply threefold.319 The problem of thistles is specifically mentioned in 4 account rolls.320 The
Custumal states that the customary tenant ‘must weed, with food, and harrow twice in a year’, and the Extent says
‘he shall weed for 1 day with food provided by the lord at the will of the lord’.321 The account rolls do not record food
expenses for weeding, only cash payments for piecework, at the rate of ¾d a day from 1306-08 and 1d a day from
1310-13. Rates are not given thereafter, but between 30 and 60 days work a year are recorded between 1291 and 1343,
39 being spread over 3 days in 1307 and 48 over the same number of days the following year, suggesting 13 and 16
workers respectively.322 However, most of the weeding was done by customary tenants as part of their ‘manual works’
(see chart on facing page).

Expenses of mowing and haymaking by piecework, and manual works in haymaking

(each pictogram represents 6d or 6 manual works)

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

84

72

60

48

36

24

12

0

1281

1282

1283

1284

1285

1286

1287

1288

1289

1290

1291

1292

1293

1294

1295

1296

1297

1298

1299

1300

1301

1302

1303

1304

1305

1306

1307

1308

1309

1310

1311

1312

1313

1314

1315

1316

1317

1318

1319

1320

1321

1322

1323

1324

1325

1326

1327

1328

1329

1330

1331

1332

1333

1334

1335

1336

1337

1338

1339

1340

1341

1342

1343

1344

1345

1346

1347

1348

1349

1350

1351

1352

1353

1354

1355

1356

1357

1358

mowing:

unspecified meadow Eylond Eylond 2nd crop Newbury

Comstrod Bereworth Gildene Mukelmarssch

Medhawe meadow pertaining to tenements in hand

cheeses rye / maslin by piecework by manual works

haymaking:

Harvest works

price of a work 1½d for 1 work

The same answers for 105 harvest works arising from the said customary tenants between
1 August and Michaelmas, price per work 1½d.

Sum 105 works.

Of which in reaping and binding 52½ acres wheat and oats 105 works.

Sum as above. And none remains.

Harvest boonworks with lord’s food

price of a work ½d

The same answers for 69 harvest boonworks arising from free tenants at the reaping and binding
of the lord’s corn with the lord’s food twice in a day. And for 133 boonworks arising from the
aforesaid 13 customary tenants with the lord’s food as above. And for 2 boonworks arising from
Walter Welde and William ate Thorne, the price of a boonwork ½d.

Sum 204.

Of which in reaping and binding 70 acres corn of every kind 204 boonworks, over the acre 3
boonworks plus in total this year 2 acres.*

Sum as above. And none remains.

Dry harvest boonworks

price of a work 1d.

The same answers for 33 harvest boonworks arising from the aforesaid of which 13 boonworks
arise from free tenants, price of a boonwork 1d.

Sum 33.

Of which in reaping and binding 13 acres of corn of every kind 33 boonworks, viz over the acre
2½ boonworks plus in total ½ boonwork.

Sum as above. And none remains.

* ie 68 acres @ 3works per acre = 204, and 2 acres extra.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Harvest

A reap-reeve [reperevus] was appointed for around
6 weeks to oversee the harvest (see chart on page
176), alongside the local managers. A stacker
[tassator] was also appointed for a few weeks, often
working at the Rectory as well. These ate ‘at table’
[ad mensam] a meal provided by the dairy worker
(see chart on page 127). The carter, ploughmen
and other regular staff were also involved with the
harvest, and shared in a ‘harvest goose’ [repgos]
celebration (see page 101).

Much of the work was done by tenants, under
obligations fixed by custom. According to the
Custumal c.1225 and the 1312 Extent, each
customary tenant owed a full day’s labour service
each week between 1 August and 29 September
(the 1½-virgate holding owing 1½ days) and also
had to supply 1 man at each of 5 ‘boonworks’
[precaria] (see extracts on pages 108 & 110).323
‘Free’ tenants were also obliged to send men to
boonworks, even tenants of the abbey’s properties
in Ewell (see extract on page 126). Each of the 2
largest tenements in Ewell had to supply 5 men at
each of 3 ‘great boonworks’ and 1 man at each of 2
‘dry boonworks’ [precaria sicca], so named because
no ale was supplied at the meals provided for the
workforce, one meal a day at dry boonworks,
but midday and evening at others. The tenants of
many of the smallholdings paying rent increments
[incrementum redditus] also had to send 1 or 2 men
to one or more of the great boonworks (see extract
on page 126). The accounts refer to men ‘sent out
with rods to superintend reapers at boonworks’,
one being Geoffrey le Sweyne, a ‘free’ tenant who in
1312 had many customary obligations (see extract
on page 118).

References in some of the late 13th-century
accounts to ‘love boons’ [precaria amoris],324 where
between 34 and 68 men assisted with the harvest,
had ceased by the time of the 1312 Extent.

Teams of 4 reapers and 1 binder could harvest
2 acres per day,325 the Custumal requiring each
customary tenant to reap a ½-acre a week, and
the ‘Harvest works’ accounts allowing 2, 2½ or 3
‘works’ per acre. These works were insufficient to
reap the whole harvest, and the rest was done by
piecework [ad tascam] for cash, though rye bread
was sometimes provided as well. There are regular
references to having the ‘gain’ [avantagium] for
acres reaped by piecework, perhaps the situation
described in 1345/46 as reaping 21 acres for the
price of 20.326 Piecework became more important
after the Black Death, when several customary
tenements came into the lord’s hand, their services
being lost. At the same time the major Ewell
tenants, lords of manors in their own right (see
pages 141, 167, 190), refused to send labourers.327

How the acres were reaped

(each square represents 10 acres)

1358

1357

1356

1355

1354

1353

1352

1351

1350

1349

1348

1347

1346

1345

1344

1343

1342

1341

1340

1339

1338

1337

1336

1335

1334

1333

1332

1331

1330

1329

1328

1327

1326

1325

1324

1323

1322

1321

1320

1319

1318

1317

1316

1315

1314

1313

1312

1311

1310

1309

1308

1307

1306

1305

1304

1303

1302

1301

1300

1299

1298

1297

1296

1295

1294

1293

1292

1291

1290

1289

1288

1287

1286

1285

1284

1283

1282

1281

1280

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

dry boonworks

boonworks

harvest works

piecework

gain (unpaid)

unspecified

not reaped

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

acres reaped

Harvest costs

Also in expenses of 204 workers both free and customary at 3 boonworks in harvest as though
for 1 day together with expenses of 32 men sent out with rods to superintend reapers who reaped
this year 70 acres of corn of every kind; in bread as claimed; in ale bought 9s 10d, viz for each of
them ½d; in meat and fish bought for the same 14s 9d, viz for each of them ¾d. And in expenses
of 33 customary tenants at 2 dry boonworks, who reaped 13 acres of corn 8¼d, viz for each of
them ¼d. In reaping and binding 47½ acres corn of every kind by piecework, 23s 9d, per acre
6d and no more because 2½ acres in gain. In 2 lb of candles bought 4d. In wages of 1 reap-reeve
in harvest 3s. In wages wages of 1 stacker at harvest 3s for two days allowed this year by grace; henceforth it should
not be done In expenses of serviens and 1 reap-reeve over and above fixed livery 18d. In servants’
expenses for their ‘harvest goose’ 18d.

Sum 58s 4¼d.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Extract from CUL Kk 5.29 f.43v, an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

Total works manual between 1 August and Michaelmas: 108* which are valued at 13s 6d

Total great boonworks at the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn: 166$ which are valued at 13s 10d

Total dry boonworks at the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn: 36 boonworks which are valued at 3s.

* Actually totals 104. Has Henry Attecherche been counted as 8 rather than 4?

$ f.41v values these at ½d, but this summary has calculated the value at 1d a boonwork.

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27327

27329

27331

27333

27335

27337

104

103

102

101

100

99

98

97

96

95

94

93

92

91

90

89

88

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

76

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

Harvest expenses – expenditure in shillings

love boons: ale meat fish

dry boonworks: fish bread & companagium

boonworks: bread ale meat

boonworks: fish cheese companagium

piecework: cash

Harvest expenses – expenditure in kind

boonworks: quarters wheat quarters rye

boonworks/love boons: quarters malt bacons quarters cheese

piecework: quarters rye

Note: between 1283 and 1287 the accounting year changed from a Midsummer start to a Michaelmas start

1280

1281

1282

1283

1284

1285

1286

1287

1288

1289

1290

1291

1292

1293

1294

1295

1296

1297

1298

1299

1300

1301

1302

1303

1304

1305

1306

1307

1308

1309

1310

1311

1312

1313

1314

1315

1316

1317

1318

1319

1320

1321

1322

1323

1324

1325

1326

1327

1328

1329

1330

1331

1332

1333

1334

1335

1336

1337

1338

1339

1340

1341

1342

1343

1344

1345

1346

1347

1348

1349

1350

1351

1352

1353

1354

1355

1356

1357

1358

FREE TENANTS:

The lord Robert fitz Neel knight holds the tenement formerly belonging to Richard de Gildeford,
at a rent per annum of 11s at the four annual principal terms, namely at each term 2s 9d. And he
shall give 1d for medsilver at the feast of the Nativity of St John the Baptist and he shall find
at 3 boonworks in Autumn at each boonwork 5 men at 2 meals per day, namely at midday and
supper and the work of each man per day is worth, over and above deductions, ½d. And he shall
give at Christmas 1 cock worth 1½d and 1 hen worth 2d. And he owes suit of court. Also the
same Robert shall find 1 man at two dry boonworks at the lord’s corn reaping in Autumn with
food provided by the lord once a day. And the value of work over and above deductions is 1d.

Now Ewardby

40v

Extracts from CUL Kk 5.29 (ff.40r-40v above, f.42v below), an extent of the manor of Morden taken in 1312

reproduced by kind permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library

RENT INCREMENTS:

Thomas the miller holds a curtilage and 6 acres land rendering the rent at Michaelmas of 7d.
And he shall find at 3 boonworks in Autumn, at each 1 man, and the value of the work of each
man per day is ½d.

Robert le Webbe holds 1 messuage and 7 acres land at a rent of 5d at Michaelmas. And he shall
find at 3 boonworks in Autumn at each of 2 boonworks 1 man and at the third boonwork 2 men.
And the value of the work is as above. And he owes suit of court.

Harvest expenses: staff at table during harvest, and weeks present

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

217295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

Expenses

at table

(in shillings)

Food purchased:

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

provisions purchased – in shillings

cheese

fish

meat

ale

malt

rye

wheat

dairy worker

stacker

reap-reeve

beadle

visiting serviens

serviens

reeve

Weeks staff
were present

Staff:

weeks each at table

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

How each harvest work, boonwork and dry boonwork was accounted for

(each square represents 10 works)

27337

27335

27333

27331

27329

27327

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

1358

1357

1356

1355

1354

1353

1352

1351

1350

1349

1348

1347

1346

1345

1344

1343

1342

1341

1340

1339

1338

1337

1336

1335

1334

1333

1332

1331

1330

1329

1328

1327

1326

1325

1324

1323

1322

1321

1320

1319

1318

HARVEST WORKS:

acquitted to reeve

acquitted to beadle

services sold

services sold at audit

tenement in hand

used in reaping

BOONWORKS:

acquitted to reeve

acquitted to beadle

services sold at audit

tenement in hand

used in reaping

DRY BOONWORKS:

acquitted to reeve

services sold

services sold at audit

tenement in hand

used in reaping

not used

used

150

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

290

300

310

320

330

340

350

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Threshing corn

In threshing 22 quarters 2 bushels wheat, 1 quarter rye, 3 quarters 5 bushels beans, 2 bushels
white peas and 9 quarters 2 bushels mixed black and green peas by piecework 8s 0¾d, giving for
9 bushels 3d. In threshing 17 quarters 2 bushels barley by piecework 2s 6¾d, giving for 9 bushels
2d. In threshing 3 quarters dredge by piecework 4d, giving for 9 bushels 1½d. In threshing 28
quarters 2 bushels oats by piecework 2s 1d, giving for 9 bushels 1d. In winnowing half the total
corn by piecework, of which the sum is 42 quarters 3½ bushels, 9¼d, giving for 9 bushels ¼d.
And the other half winnowed by the dairy worker. In wages of Thomas de Denham the lord’s
granger being at the same place over the threshing on occasions 2s 9d by1 tally.

Sum 16s 6¾d.

Threshing and winnowing: piecework expenses

(in shillings)

shillings

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27339

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Threshing and winnowing

Once the harvest was safely gathered into the barn [grangia], the corn could be threshed whenever the weather prevented
outdoor work. To separate the grains from the ear, the corn was beaten with flails normally made from two pieces
of wood tied together by a leather thong (see illustration on page 87), perhaps the tribula mentioned in the manor’s
inventories. In classical Latin the word was used of a threshing sledge – a wooden platform, with its under-surface
studded with iron teeth, and drawn over the grain by a harnessed draught animal – but medieval usage is uncertain,
with both shovel and flail suggested as interpretations.328

Various winnowing implements are mentioned in the records. The threshed corn was winnowed by fanning it or
tossing it so that the draught from the open doors of the barn carried the chaff away from the grains.329 ‘Winnowing
forks’ [ventilabrum],330 wooden ‘winnowing fans’ [ventorium], and ‘fans’ or flat baskets [vanna] – described in 1346/47
as ‘1 basket of withies bought for casting the corn at winnowing 5d’ – are regularly mentioned in the inventories and
in the ‘Petty expenses’ accounts (see pages 22-4), but other items also appear there – ‘1 basket bought for bringing
corn to the winnowing 6d’, a ‘winnow [wyndewe] for winnowing corn’, and ‘1 winnowing cloth [WyndWygshet]
bought for winnowing corn 10d’, the latter perhaps being rigged across the entrance to the barn to prevent the entry
of poultry.331 After winnowing, the chaff would be swept up and used as fodder, while the grain was stored, once the
quantity threshed of each kind of grain had been recorded. It was measured by volume in large baskets or tubs holding
a bushel when levelled (see page 35). An iron-bound bushel measure was listed in the inventories of 1323, and bushel,
half-bushel and peck measures also appear in most inventories.332 Although 8 bushels totalled 1 quarter, the accounts
usually calculate the labour involved in threshing and winnowing at 9 bushels per quarter, presumably allowing for
the chaff, 9 bushels of unthreshed corn yielding 8 bushels of grain.

Threshing [triturare] was usually overseen by a ‘granger’ [grangiarus], sometimes a former reeve or a tenant from
another of the abbey’s manors though, on at least one occasion, a monk from Westminster served as granger at both
the manor and rectory of Morden, and at other manors belonging to the abbey (see pages 92, 95).333 Occasionally 2
people were appointed, but whether they worked together or in succession is not clear.334 The granger might be paid
a wage or a food allowance, or even a remittance of his rent.335 A few account rolls from the early 14th century record
the number of days that the granger was employed at 1d a day, ranging from 19 days in 1307/08 (a partial account),
to 54 days, 72 days and 99 days, though one account records a payment of 5 shillings for 5 weeks.336

The work of threshing was normally undertaken by piecework, though there are occasional references to the household
servants [famulus] threshing odd amounts.337 The rate of pay varied according to the type of corn being threshed, and
increased slightly over the years, though increases in the second decade of the 14th century met with some opposition
from the auditors, who challenged the new rates for a while.338 Rates reached a peak in 1349/50 when labour shortages
following the Black Death forced wage rates up. Threshers and harvest workers even received oatmeal pottage in 1348/49.
However, rates were held back in succeeding years, though they were still higher than before the onset of the plague.

The rectory accounts (see pages 156-7) include the threshing of tithe corn; those rates are shown below in brackets.

Rates of pay for threshing a quarter of corn by piecework

Half of the corn was winnowed [ventiland] by the dairy worker, while the remainder was winnowed at piecework, the
rates again increasing after the Black Death.

The costs of threshing and winnowing are shown on the chart on the facing page. It must be remembered that the
acreage under crop declined over the years, and yields only increased slightly, if at all, so the quantities of corn threshed
and winnowed reduced over the years, even as costs increased (see pages 36-7).

1280-81 1282-95 1302-13 1317-21 1321-49 1349-50 1350-52 1352-56 1356-57

wheat: 3d 2½d 2½d 3d/2½d (3d) 3d 6d 4d (5d) 4d (4d) 4d (4d)

rye/mixstillio: 3d 2½d 2½d 3d/2½d 3d – – – (4d) –

dredge: – – 1¼d – 1½d 4d 3d 3d 2d

pulses: 2d 2d 1½d 3d/2½d (2d) 3d 6d 4d (5d) 4d (4d) 4d (4d)

barley: 1½d 1½d 1½d 2d/1½d (2d) 2d 4d 3d (3d) 3d (3d) 3d (3d)

oats: 1d 1d 1d 1¼d/1d (1d) 1d 3d 2d (2d) 3d (3d) 2d (3d)

winnowing: – ¼d ¼d ¼d ¼d ¾d ½d (½d) ½d (½d) ½d (½d)

threshing wheat threshing rye/mixstillio threshing barley threshing dredge

threshing pulses threshing oats threshing new grain winnowing half corn

Labour services: Carrying services

How each carrying service was accounted for

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

used

carrying tithe corn

carrying manor corn

tenements in hand

services sold at audit

services sold

acquitted to reeve

acquitted to beadle

not used

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

Carrying services to Westminster

According to the Extent of 1312, each of the customary tenants and the ‘free’ tenants of another, divided, tenement,
‘shall do four carrying services by horse [averagium ad equos] per year to Westminster. And he shall have 1 loaf of
meynebred and 1½ gallons of ‘nun’s ale’ [gazone de moniale]. The value of the work over and above deductions is ¾d’.339
Meynebred, sometimes described as ‘black bread’, was made from relatively coarse flour and given to servants. Nuns
ale [gazone de moniale] – weaker than the conventual ale served to the monks – was of the quality given to the nuns
of Kilburn, who were corrodians of Westminster Abbey, receiving their food and drink from the abbey.340

These carrying services were already required in the Custumal of c.1225,341 but were not listed in the account rolls
until 1321/22, when a total of 76 carrying services were accounted for. This figure also appeared the next year, but
from 1324/25 it had been corrected to the 56 works detailed in the 1312 Extent.342

The carrying services for wheat, barley and dredge were calculated at 2 ‘works’ per quarter of grain, as were those
for oats after 1346/47, though oats had formerly been carried at the rate of 1 work per quarter.343 In 1335/36 the
auditors reduced the claim for carrying 52 quarters oats from 52 works to 38 works, 14 works being sold at the audit.
According to the ‘Oats’ account on the dorse, 53 quarters were sent to Westminster, so it seems probable that some
had been delivered by the manor staff.344 The ‘Carrying services’ accounts occasionally mention that grain had also
been transported by manorial carts, 11 quarters wheat and 4½ quarters barley in 1341/42, and 8 quarters oats and
2 quarters dredge in 1351/52. In the latter year 4 additional carrying services had been purchased. In 1348/49, 5¾
quarters of oats were carted by boonwork, but no further details are given.345 It is clear from the ‘Issues of the grange’
accounts on the dorse of the rolls that the carrying services exacted from tenants were seldom sufficient to transport
all the grain that had to be delivered to the abbey (see pages 200-1). As well as the grain from the manor, this included
tithe corn due to the abbey as rector of the church, following the appropriation of the rectorial rights in 1301 (see page
151). No carrying services were exacted after 1355.

It would seem that Morden tenants were involved in the carting of the new mill from Aldenham to Morden in
1312/13, as no mention is made in the Aldenham account roll for that year while the Morden accounts record
the wheat used for baking bread. No wage was paid to the carters for the journey north of the Thames, just their
expenses in food, drink and lighting, which might imply that customary carrying services were being used. The
journey from Battersea to Morden was by piecework. The Morden entry is as follows:

‘In expenses of 75 men with their 45 carts carting the same mill from Aldenham as far as Chelsea [Chelchenth] for 2
days: in bread baked 6 bushels wheat; in bread bought 3s 4d; in ale bought 9s; in fish bought the first day 3s; in cheese
bought 5d; in meat bought the other day 7s 6d; in cheese bought 5d; in candles bought for 2 nights 4d. In carrying the
said mill beyond the water [ultra aquam] at Chelsea 16d. In carting the aforesaid mill from Battersea as far as Morden
by piecework 15s, 1 quarter oats by agreement [de convencione]’.346

In 1358/59 the carting of oats and barley to Westminster cost 4s 7½d including the hire of sacks and of boats, calculated
at 4d per quarter.347

Carrying services

price of a work 1d.

The same answers for 56 carrying services arising from the aforesaid customary tenants, the
price of a work 1d.

Sum 56 works.

Of which in carting 6 quarters wheat, 10 quarters barley and 3 quarters dredge as far as
Westminster 38 works, viz per quarter 2 works. And in sale 18 works.

Sum as above. And it balances.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Casual labour

Although the regular workforce was substantial, the ‘Petty expenses’ accounts often list a number of ‘odd jobs’ that
needed to be done. These included:

 hedging and ditching,348

 felling and fetching firewood at Penge,349

 repairing fences,350

 mowing the stubble,351

 drying oats and making oatmeal,352

 making malt,353

 pruning and tending vines,354

 planting leeks and other vegetables bought for the yard,355

 planting and tending beans,356

 thatching bean and pea stacks.357

These were probably undertaken by tenants and their wives and families, by piecework. Very occasionally the number
of days spent on the work is mentioned, such as pruning vines for 8 days for 2d, working out to ¼d a day,358 or 2
women paid 1½d a day for 20 days cleaning wheat at sowing.359 Sometimes a rate is quoted for scouring ditches, at
¾d or 1d a perch.360

Other tasks, probably requiring some expertise, included:

 castrating piglets – 3d,361

 white-tawing draught horse hides – 6d,362

 repairs to brass utensils – 6d though, if metal had to be purchased, as much as 2s 7d.363

Tradesmen

The surnames of tenants listed in the 1312 Extent under ‘Rent increments’ include a number which at one time may
have been occupational names.364 In addition to Thomas the miller, these included:

 Robert le Webbe weaver

 William le Fflessch butcher

 Robert le Fflessch butcher

 William le Taverner tavern-keeper

 William Paternoster maker of rosaries

 Henry le Hose stocking-maker

Whether any of these tenants followed these occupations in 1312 is not clear.

The following reference to cash being paid to the steward’s valets for the purchase or repair of shoes might suggest
that a shoemaker lived in or near Morden in 1283, but no more is known.

[Cash] deliveries

The same answers for 16s 6½d delivered to Sir William de Wetford for rent for the term of St
John the Baptist by tally. And for 12d delivered to Alice de Kenardel for rent owed to her. And for
3s delivered to the steward’s valets for the repair/purchase of their shoes by order of the steward
and by view of the steward’s clerk. And for 6d delivered to Pleytere because he made a loss at
purchasing his shoes, by tally against Richard the serviens and by order and view as before.

Sum 20s 0½d.

Extract from WAM 27285, the account roll for May to July 1283

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

133

THE MANOR AT FARM

1359-1568

A 15th-century husbandman and his wife

based on Royal MSS 20 C VII

from C Macfarlane and T Thomson The Comprehensive History of England II (1876) p.676

134 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Two extracts from WAM Register I, ff.141b-142, the lease of 1503

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The section referring to stock leased to William Pratt

… And the aforesaid William shall receive and have all the stock of the aforesaid manor with all grain and other
goods at the beginning of his term aforesaid as is clearly evident by a certain indented list made in respect
thereof annexed to this indenture and at the end of the term aforesaid the same William and his assigns shall
likewise surrender the stock with the grain and other goods at that place. …

The copy of the annexed indenture referred to above

This indented list witnesses that William Pratt farmer of Morden received at the beginning of his farm all the
stock as appears below, so he shall surrender the same at the end of his term or the value of the same, namely
10 quarters wheat, 8 quarters peas, 14 quarters barley, 24 quarters oats, 1 gander and three geese.

Extract from WAM 27363, the account roll for 1406-07,

the first year of a new lease and the year in which the corn farm due under the previous lease was paid

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Wheat Of the remaining, 12 quarters. For the farm of the demesne of the manor late leased to
Ralph atte Rithe for a term of years, term completed, viz for farm of the first year of
his term aforesaid by agreement he paid 10 quarters. Of heaped measure for the same
2½ bushels. For farm of the demesne of the manor aforesaid leased to John Spyk and
William Mulseye for a term of 12 years, this year the 1st, for 11 quarters, the eighth
bushel of heaped measure, nothing this year because by their agreement they pay farm

note for the 1st year in the year next following after the end of their term is complete.

Sum 22 quarters 2½ bushels.

Of which delivered to brother John Burwell keeper of the granary at Westminster
nothing this year. In sale as within 10 quarters. Given for heaped measure for the same
2½ bushels. Sum 10 quarters 2½ bushels.

And there remain 12 quarters wheat, the eighth bushel heaped measure, in the hands of
John Spyk and William Mulseye farmers of the demesne at the same place. approved

the manor at farm 1359-1568 135

The leases

The demesne was leased at farm from Easter 1359, under a 20-year lease granted to Thomas de Parham at £10
a year. Neither the lease nor the manorial accounts for the period have survived, but there are references in the
previous manorial account roll, for 1358/59, and in the central records, the conventual treasurers’ accounts.1 The
latter record that, in addition to his annual ‘farm’, Thomas paid a total of £16 19s 8¼d over three years ‘for livestock
sold to him in the manor of Morden’. This was the amount of arrears due from the manor at Easter 1359, indicating
that he had purchased most of the livestock sold before the lease came into effect:

Livestock sold

The same answers for 12d 18d received for 2 female draught horses sold because old and weak. And for 20d for 1 draught
horse sold. And for 20s received for 2 oxen sold. And for 54s received for 6 oxen sold, price per head 9s. by the bailiff And
for 10s for 6 rams sold, price per head 20d. And for 16d for 2 rams sold, price per head 8d. And for £11 20d received
for 190 ewes sold, price per head 14d. And for 28s 8d for 43 old sheep [cronardus] sold, price per head 8d. And for 3s
for 6 lambs sold, price per head 6d. And for 4s for 12 geese sold, price per head 4d. And for 3s received for 9 capons
sold, price per head 4d. Sum £17 8s 10d. 2

Some livestock remained on the manor and were included in the lease: 2 carthorses, valued at 8s each; 8 oxen,
valued at 11s each; 8 geese, of which 1 was a gander and 3 were breeding females (see page 79 and note); 1 cock
and 12 hens (the value of the poultry is not recorded). In addition the lease included 25 quarters of wheat and 8
quarters of peas (for seed corn?), and 68½ hurdles. The farmer was responsible for handing back the equivalent
stock at the expiry of the lease.

Similar arrangements were made in later leases:

Date Term ‘Farm’ Wheat Peas Barley Oats Carthorses Oxen Geese Cocks Hens Hurdles

of account years quarters quarters quarters quarters

1359- 20 £10 25 8 – – 2 8 8 1 12 68½ 3

1388-1391 ? £15 12 8 18 25 2 8 7 1 12 68 4

1391-1399 7(+1) £14 5

1399-1406 7 corn 12 8 18 25 2 8 7 1 12 68 6

1406-1412 12 corn 12 8 18 25 2 8 7 1 12 68 7

1441/1442 ? corn 12 8 14 27 – – 6 – – – 8

1445-1450 ? £4 13s 4d 12 8 14 27 – – 6 – – – 9

1467-1469 ? £4 13s 4d 2½ 8 14 27 – – 5 – – – 10

1493-1496 ?24 £4 13s 4d 2½ 8 14 27 – – 5 – – – 11

1499-1503 24 £4 13s 4d 10 8 14 24 – – 4 – – – 12

1503-1511? 24 £4 13s 4d 10 8 14 24 – – 4 – – – 13

(The final lease of 1511 makes no mention of stock to be rendered at the expiry of the lease.) 14

In addition to the demesne land, stocks of corn in the barn and the manorial livestock listed above, ‘customary
services’ due from tenants (see page 109) were also leased to the farmer, according to the account rolls for
1399-1410.15

No accounts or leases are extant for 1359-87 or 1412-1440, but these do not seem to be years when great changes
took place. The main change was made in 1399 when, for more than 40 years, the cash ‘farm’ was replaced by
renders of corn, perhaps in response to the nationwide shortage of small change in circulation at this period.16 The
odd bushels shown below were due to the custom in Morden of leaving the eighth bushel of each quarter heaped
rather than struck (see page 35). The following table shows the amounts by struck measure.

Years Wheat Barley Oats

1399-1406 10 quarters 2½ bushels 10 quarters 2½ bushels 6 quarters 1½ bushels 17

1406-1412 11 quarters 2¾ bushels 11 quarters 2¾ bushels 6 quarters 1½ bushels 18

1441-1442 6 quarters 1½ bushels 7 quarters 1¾ bushels 14 quarters 3½ bushels 19

The grain might be sent to the abbey or to one of its manors. Sometimes some of the grain was sold and the proceeds
sent to Westminster. The account rolls note ‘that the said farmer did not pay farm the first year of his term because
by agreement he pays his farm for the said first year in the year following after the end of his term is complete’. In
practice this meant that the farm due each year was paid in the following year, allowing for crops to be harvested and
threshed, the final payment being made once the lease had expired. In the early 1400s grain remained in the barn
at Morden for 2 or 3 years before being delivered or sold, which the accounts describe as being ‘in arrears of farm’.20

The account rolls only record the balance of the leased stock, and give no information on livestock births or deaths
or on purchases or sales of livestock or grain. The livestock and crops belonging to the farmer are likewise omitted,
so we only have a partial glimpse of the manorial economy during this period.

Year FARMER Year COLLECTOR Year BEADLE

1359-1361/62> Thomas de Parham21

1360-1380 no extant records

1380/81 Walter atte Hegge22

1381/82 Simon Hobecoke or

Walter atte Hegge23

1383/84 Walter atte Hegge24

<1388/89-1390/91 John Edward & Ralph atte Rithe25 1390/91 John Gildone26 1391/92-1398/99 Ralph atte Rithe27 1392/93 John Gilden28 1396/97-1397/98 John Gildone29 1398 John Spyk30 1398 John Spyk31 1398-1400 John Gildone32 1399/1400-1405/06 Ralph atte Rithe33 1399/1400-1400/01 Ralph atte Rythe34 1400-1401 William Mulsey35 1402/03 Alan Berenger36 1403/04-1405/06 Ralph atte Rythe37 1403/04-1404/05 John Gildone38 1405 John Spyk39 1406/07-1409/10 John Spyk & William Mulseye40 1406/07-1407/8 John Edward41 1406/07-1407/08 John Edward42 1408/09 Alan Berengar43 1408/09 Alan Berenger44 1409/10 John Pycot45 1409/10 John Pycote46 1410/11 Roger Attehegge (Hegger)47 1411/12-(1417/18?) William Mulseye48 1411/12 William Mulseye49 1411 Roger Attehegge50 ? Simon Popsent51 1416/1417 Roger Attehegge52 ? John Ravenyng Tayllor53 1421-1423 Roger Attehegge54 c.1419 Roger Attehegg55 ? William Goldwyr56 ? John or Thomas Spyk57 1435/36 Thomas Spyk58 1439/40-1441/42> William Longe59 1441 Richard Swanne60

1441/42 Richard Pulton61 1441/42 Richard Pulton62

1442/43 Richard Swanne63

<1445/46-1448/50> John Sawger64 1445/46 Richard Swan65

1447/48 Richard Swanne66

1448/49 John Sawger67 1448/49 John Sawger68

? William Davy69

? Walter at Heth70

? Henry Sager71

<1467/68-1468/69> Henry Merland72 <1467/68-1468/69> Henry Merland73 <1467/68-1468/69> Henry Merland74

<1474 or 1480/81 John Dounton75 <1474 or 1480/81 John Dounton76 <1474 or 1480/81 John Dounton77

<1480/81-1498/9 John Atwell78 <1488-1502/03> John Attewelle79 <1488-1502/03> John Attewelle80

Mich 1499-1502/3 John Atwell81

1503-1510/11? William Pratt82

1511-1521 William Porter83

1522-1555 Mathew Porter84

1555- John Welch85

-1568 Thomas Welshe86

Farmers, rent-collectors and beadles

< and > here denote that a person might have been in post before or after the dates given.

The farmers and manorial officers

Thomas de Parham,87 the first farmer of the demesne, was presumably connected with the abbey’s manor of Parham
in Sussex, possibly the clerk of that name who visited in 1356-58 (see page 90). Unfortunately no manorial records
survive from the first three decades that the demesne was at farm. By the time extant records begin the farmers were
members of local tenant families, and this remained so until the mid 15th century. Surnames are familiar from court
rolls and other records, often appearing over long periods – Edward (c.1225-1437), atte Rithe (1283-1397), Spyk
(1380-1466), Mulseye (1378-1411), Popsent (1380-1455), Attehegg (1306-1475), Sager/Sauger/Sawger (1444-82),
Davy (1455-79), and at Heth (1455-70).88 The court rolls often describe the farmer as ‘the lord’s serviens’.89

There are no extant manorial accounts for 1412 to 1440 but accounts after 1440 list former farmers (and manorial
officers) owing arrears.90 John Ravenyng, a ‘tayllor’, has not been traced in other records, and William Longe only
appears once in the court rolls, and these men may not have been local. Henry Merland had obtained lordship
of the manor of Great Burgh in Banstead in 1466,91 and was not resident in Morden, sub-letting the demesne
here to his predecessor, Henry Sager. John Dounton/Downton/Dunton, whose accounts have not survived, held
properties in Morden, but seems to have been an outsider, as was John Atwell, whose second lease describes him as
‘of Westminster, yeoman’, even though he had already farmed the Morden demesne for many years. William Pratt
was a ‘gentleman’, as was William Porter, who was a ‘clerk to the Chancery’. From the limited evidence available it
would appear that the leases to local men were for shorter terms than those to outsiders.

William Porter’s 60-year lease was not only the longest but also the last to be granted by the abbey (see overleaf). In
it they handed over to Porter all their rights in both manor and rectory, including rents and courts, only reserving
the right of presentation to the vicarage. William died in 1521, leaving his properties ‘in Mordon and Monkton’ to
his younger son, Mathew, a minor, 92 though his elder son, Antony, is described as William’s assign in a rental of
1547×1550, and acted as steward of the manor court in 1536.93 In 1555 Mathew assigned the lease to John Welch,
whose son, Thomas ‘Welshe’, surrendered it to the new lord of the manor, Richard Garth, in 1568, three years before
the lease was due to expire.94 The demesne had been sub-let to William Woodman during the Porters’ time,95 and
it is unlikely that any of the farmers had been involved in the day-to-day running of the estate during the final
century that it was at farm.

The 14th-century account rolls produced by the farmers recorded not only the farm that they paid, but also the
profits of the manorial court, which were not leased to the farmer. They made no mention of rents paid by tenants.
The chart on page 140 shows that the total of farm and rents after 1399 was similar to the farm paid previously,
which suggests that the rents had also been leased to the farmer. After 1399/1400 rents are recorded separately, the
traditional ‘rents of assize’ as well as ‘farms’ paid by leasehold tenants for former customary land and tenements
that had come into the lord’s hand. From 1441 a new entry appears for ‘new rent’, arising from land and tenements
that had been granted under new copyhold agreements.96 Although the farmer often doubled as collector of rents,
this task was usually undertaken by the beadle, appointed from a shortlist of 2 or 3 tenants elected at the manorial
court (see page 93),97 or occasionally by a separate rent-collector.

Those aspects of the manorial economy that might be entrusted to a beadle are shown on the ‘onus’ of John Gildon,
beadle, enclosed with the account roll for 1400-01.98

‘Onus’ of John Gildon beadle at the same place.

For arrears of the preceding year £7.

For rent at the same place £4 4s 9½d.

For farms at the same place 68s 6d.

For rent in kind 4s 1d.

For profits of court 16s 5d.

Sum of receipts £15 13s 9½d.

In rent paid out nothing here because by

R atte Rithe farmer.

In allowances and rent defaults 20s 47/8d.

Delivered to the bailiff by 3 tallies £4 7s 4d.

Sum of allowances 107s 87/8d.

And he owes £10 6s 05/8d.

And afterwards he was charged for 4s

of rent paid out for the year next preceding and

allowed to him because R atte Rithe paid.

And so he now owes £10 10s 05/8d.

Enclosed with WAM 27354, the account roll for 1400-01

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The final lease – 12 June 1511

WAM Register 2 f.212

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Indenture William Porter of London gentleman

Morden in Surrey

This indenture, made between John, by divine permission abbot of the Monastery of blessed
Peter Westminster, the prior, and the convent at the same place on the one part and William
Porter of London gentleman, clerk of the Crown of the Chancery of England, on the other part,
witnesses that the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent, by their unanimous assent and the consent
of the entire chapter, have granted, leased and let at farm to the aforementioned William Porter
their manor of Morden with its pertinents in the County of Surrey, and all and singular the lands
and tenements, pastures, meadows, woods, rents and services with their pertinents belonging or
pertaining to the same manor. And also view of frankpledge or leet at the same place, together
with Court Baron, the perquisites and profits of them and also together with chattels of felons,
fugitives, condemned persons, outlaws and suicides, as often as they happen to occur during
the term written below. And the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent moreover have granted,
leased and let at farm to the aforementioned William Porter their Rectory of Morden aforesaid.
Also all and singular the lands, rents, pastures, meadows and woods belonging to the same
Rectory, together with all and singular the tithes, oblations and other profits and rights of the

said Rectory whatsoever belonging or pertaining, only excepting and reserving in every way
to the aforementioned abbot, prior and convent donations, nominations and presentations to
the vicarage of the church of St Laurence of Morden aforesaid as often as it happens to be
vacant. To have and to hold the aforesaid manor of Morden with all and singular the lands,
tenements, rents and services with their pertinents to the same manor belonging. And also view
of frankpledge or leet and Court Baron of and within the manor aforesaid to be held, with the
perquisites and profits of them. And also the aforesaid Rectory and all other the premises with
their pertinents, pertaining to the said Rectory, except as before excepted, to the aforementioned
William Porter, his executors and assigns, from Michaelmas next until the end and term of sixty
years thereafter next following and fully to-be-completed. Rendering in respect thereof annually,
during the aforesaid term, to the aforementioned abbot, prior and convent and their successors,
ten pounds of good and legal money of England, paid annually at Easter and Michaelmas by
equal portions. And the aforesaid William and his assigns shall at their own charge and expense
sustain, repair and maintain the dwelling houses upon the said manor and surrender [them] well
and competently repaired at the end of the term aforesaid. And that it shall be well lawful
for the aforesaid William Porter and his assigns, yearly during the aforesaid term, to have and
take heybote, ploughbote, cartbote and firebote* of and in the aforesaid manor and the rest of
the premises with their pertinents. And also to fell and take trees and wood from in and upon
the manor or Rectory aforesaid growing, and the rest of the premises with their pertinents, for
making repairs to buildings of dwelling houses aforesaid as often as they are necessary, or to
construct and build other houses for the same William or his assigns henceforward, without
impeachment of waste. And if it should happen that the annual farm or rent of ten pounds is
in arrears in part or in whole after any of the aforenamed festivals by which it ought to be paid,
unpaid for a space of three months, that then it shall be well lawful for the aforesaid abbot, prior
and convent, or the external Treasurer and their successors, to enter into the aforesaid manor
and Rectory and the rest of the premises with their pertinents, and to distrain the distresses so
taken, which they are permitted to carry away, drive off and retain in their possession until full
satisfaction shall have been made and paid in full to the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent and
their successors for the aforesaid annual farm or rent of ten pounds [smudge] and arrears of the
same if there shall be any. And further if the aforesaid annual farm or rent of ten pounds or
any part of it happens to be in arrears in part or in whole after any of the aforenamed festivals by
which it ought to be paid, unpaid for a space of one year, and if no sufficient distress of and for
the aforesaid annual farm or rent for the same time of and in the aforesaid manor and Rectory
and other premises with their pertinents is able to be found, that then it shall be well lawful
for the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent and their successors, or the Treasurer aforesaid, to
re-enter into the aforesaid manor and Rectory and other premises with their pertinents and all
and singular these premises, to retake and repossess and wholly expel and remove therefrom
the aforesaid William and his assigns, this present indenture in no way withstanding. And the
aforesaid William Porter, his executors and assigns shall pay, bear and endure all charges both
ordinary and extraordinary howsoever pertaining to the said manor and Rectory, and for the same
the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent will defend the objections of the King and all others in
respect thereof during the aforesaid term. And the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent and their
successors shall warrant and defend the aforesaid manor and Rectory and all and singular the
premises with their pertinents to the aforesaid William Porter and his assigns during the term
aforesaid for the said annual farm or rent against all people by these presents. And it shall not
be lawful for the aforementioned William Porter, or his assigns, to grant, lease or bequeath the
aforesaid manor and Rectory with their pertinents to any fraternity, or master of any fraternity, or
churchwarden of any church, to the use of any kind of fraternity or church during the aforesaid
term. In witness whereof both the common seal of the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent and
the seal of the said William Porter are affixed interchangeably to these indentures. Dated in the
chapter house of the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent at Westminster aforesaid the twelfth day
of June AD 1511 and the third year of the reign of King Henry VIII.

* see page 54

27341

27342

27343

27344

27346

27347

27348

27349

27350

27351

27352

27354

27357

27359

27361

27363

27365

27367

27369

27371

27373

27374

27375

27375

27376

27377

27379

27380

27381

27382

27383

Income and expenditure

£18

£16

£14

£12

£10

£8

£6

£4

£2

0

£2

£4

£6

£8

£10

£12

£14

£16

£18

£20

£22

£24

£26

£28

£30

£32

£34

£36

£38

£40

£42

£44

£46

£48

£50

£52

£54

£56

£58

£60

£62

£64

£66

£68

£70

£72

£74

£76

£78

£80

£82

£84

£86

£88

£90

£92

£94

£96

£98

£100

£102

£104

£106

£108

£110

£112

£114

£116

£118

£120

£122

£124

£126

£128

£130

£132

£134

£136

£138

£140

potential income

There are no extant accounts for the intervening years

There are no extant accounts for the intervening years

There are no extant accounts for the intervening years

INCOME

net rents of assize

new rents

farm of tenements

farm of manor (cash)

farm of manor in grain, sold

rents in kind, heriots & chevage

value of grain unsold

profits of court

EXPENDITURE

rent to Kynnersley

allowances to beadle

building repairs &c

bailiff & clerk’s expenses
livery as rent collector
foreign expenses

value of grain delivered

cash to Westminster

allowances

accumulated arrears

expenses, cash payments, value of grain deliveries, and arrears

1388-89

1389-90

1390-91

1391-92

1392-93

1393-94

1394-95

1395-96

1396-97

1397-98

1398-99

1399-1400

1400-01

1401-02

1402-03

1403-04

1404-05

1405-06

1406-07

1407-08

1408-09

1409-10

1410-11

1411-12

1412-13

1413-14

1440-41

1441-42

1442-43

1443-44

1444-45

1445-46

1446-47

1447-48

1448-49

1449-50

1450-51

1466-67

1467-68

1468-69

1469-70

1492-93

1493-94

1494-95

1495-96

1496-97

1497-98

1498-99

1499-1500

1500-01

1501-02

1502-03

Income and expenditure

The abbey’s holdings here provided the monks with three main sources of income – farm paid by the farmer, rents
paid by tenants, and profits of manorial courts. Rents included hurdles and poultry, which were sold (see page
105). From 1396/97 two villeins, William Edward (until at least 1411) and John atte Hegge (until his death c.1444),
each paid 2 capons a year as ‘chevage’, for licence to live outside the manor, and these were also sold.99 Two heriots,
payable on the death of a tenant, were sold in 1394/95 – John Parsons’ cow for 10s and Peter Taill’s ewe for 1s.100
Heriots were normally included among the profits of the courts.

When the farm was paid in grain, some was sold, sometimes to the farmers themselves,101 and the proceeds sent to
the abbey.102 The remainder might be sent to the abbey or its manors of Battersea or Allfarthing in Wandsworth.103
For the purposes of the chart opposite, a cash value has been calculated for grain delivered to the abbey or its
manors, based on prices recorded in the account for corn sold, or in the Rectory account for wheat purchased for
the vicar’s wages (see page 146). In the early 1400s grain was retained in the barn at Morden for two or three years
before being sold or delivered.104

‘Rents of assize’ included tenements that had come into the lord’s hands following the Black Death, their rents
being listed under ‘Expenses’ as ‘rent defaults’. The chart opposite shows the net sum after these defaults have been
deducted. The tenements were sometimes leased out at farm on short-term leases, in whole or in part. Some required
constant rent reductions to attract new tenants, while others were granted as heritable copyholds, which appear in
the accounts as ‘new rent’ [novus redditus]. The net income from the various rents was consistently over £6 a year,
well above the £4 maximum before the Black Death (see page 104), but that was because the rent included cash
paid in lieu of labour services. Where demesne land was sublet, the income rightly went to the farmer.105

The income recorded in the accounts and displayed on the chart opposite was only potential income, not real
income, as can be seen by the large sums recorded as arrears. Unpaid rents accounted for much of the arrears, some
of the Ewell tenants refusing to pay their dues to the abbey (see page 167). The lord of the manor of Cuddington
held two Ewell tenements of the abbey at a combined rent of 11s 6½d including medsilver, as well as poultry at
Christmas. By 1502/03 this had not been paid for 55 years, amounting to £31 10s 7¾d.106 Records survive of court
cases where the monks tried to force payment of these arrears, but to no avail.107 Another tenement in Ewell was
held by the lord of the sub-manor of Fitznells at 11s 1d a year plus poultry, while a copyhold property originally
belonging to the Kypping family, but subdivided over the years, owed a basic rent of 7s 8d including medsilver,
plus various rent increments. Together these properties owed a further 21s 5½d a year, which had not been paid
for 54 years by 1502/03, a total of £56 8s 9d.

These tenants also stopped attending manorial courts, despite frequent amercements which they ignored. The
prior of Merton and the tenants of his Morden properties had also failed to pay an amercement totalling 13s 4d,
which had remained unpaid for 21 years by 1502/03. The body of Morden tenants objected to paying common fine,
assessed at 6s 8d a year. For 26 years they had refused to pay more than 1d a head, the disputed sum amounting to
£6 7s 2½d by 1502/03. With ’10s for rent of Walter at Heth for 20 years preceding because he fled with his goods
and chattels &c’ and ‘6s 8d for rent of land of J Bestwell because the same land lay fallow and uncultivated for 17
years preceding’, the sum unable to be levied within Morden itself had exceeded £8 by 1502/03.

In addition to these outstanding tenurial obligations, the estate also suffered from unpaid bills, especially for items
taken by royal purveyors, some recorded for over 50 years (see page 187).108 The accounts also record outstanding
debts from farmers, beadles and rent-collectors over many years (see page 190).

Fortunately expenses incurred by the farmer on behalf of the abbey were quite low, except when major building
work was required (see page 145). Land at Gildonhill was held of the manor of Kynnersley in Carshalton at 4s a
year. The beadle’s holding was rent-free during his period of office, and he was also excused medsilver and tallage.
This even applied when the beadle was leasing a tenement at farm.109 From 1447 the farmer could claim payment for
his services as rent-collector, together with a gown of the abbey’s livery. The farmer was responsible for providing
‘the Treasurer of the aforesaid monastery, the Steward and others riding with them for the court held there and the
annual survey of the manor aforesaid on two occasions, suitable food and drink, hay, oats and litter for their horses
during the term aforesaid at his own charge and expense’,110 though there are entries for 3s 4d towards the treasurer’s
expenses between 1493 and 1503,111 and regular entries of 1s for parchment for the clerk of the account. Occasionally
‘foreign’ expenses were incurred, on the abbey’s behalf but not relating to the manor itself, regarding royal subsidies
or the sheriff’s court (see page 174).112

The recto of WAM 27349, the account roll for 1396-97

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The ‘value’ of the manor

After deduction of expenses and the occasional allowance made ‘by grace of the lord prior and the discretion of
the auditors’,113 a cash payment was made to the abbey. This might include part-payment of arrears in addition to
the residue for the year. The 31 extant accounts record a total of £270 paid to treasurers at Westminster Abbey, plus
some £45-worth of grain to the Westminster granary or its manors. For the purposes of the chart below, a cash
value has been calculated for grain delivered to the abbey or its manors, based on prices recorded in the account
for corn sold, or in the Rectory account for wheat purchased for the vicar’s wages (see page 146). Cash deliveries
for 1448/49 and for 1467/68 were made in the year following. Building work in 1495/96 affected cash deliveries
in that year and the next.

Until 1441/42 most accounts calculate the ‘value’ [valor] of the manor. This was done by adding together the
potential income from farm, rent and profits of courts, etc, and deducting expenses, other than ‘foreign’ expenses.
The chart below uses this formula to calculate the value when not stated in the account. No value is given in 1409/10
or 1495/96 because building expenses exceeded income.114 In 1399/1400 the value is low, as this was the first year
that farm was paid in grain, and no payment was required during the first year of the lease. Thereafter the declared
valuation included farm paid in grain, though it is not clear how this was calculated. But again this was a potential
value, and did not take into account mounting arrears, which exceeded £90 in 1503 and approached £130 in 1469.

04140514061407140814091410141114121413141414151416141714181419142014211422142314241425142614271428142914301431143214331434143514361437143814391440144114421443144414451446144714481449145014511452145314541455145614571458145914601461146214631464146514661467146814691470147114721473147414751476147714781479148014811482148314841485148614871488148914901491149214931494149514961497149814991500150115021503TO WAVALUE
27341

27342

27343

27344

27346

27347

27348

27349

27350

27351

27352

27354

27357

27359

27361

27363

27365

27367

27369

27371

27373

27374

27375

27375

27376

27377

27379

27380

27381

27382

27383

declared or calculated value of the manor

value of cash and grain sent to Westminster Abbey

£20

£18

£16

£14

£12

£10

£8

£6

£4

£2

0

1388-89

1389-90

1390-91

1391-92

1392-93

1393-94

1394-95

1395-96

1396-97

1397-98

1398-99

1399-1400

1400-01

1401-02

1402-03

1403-04

1404-05

1405-06

1406-07

1407-08

1408-09

1409-10

1410-11

1411-12

1412-13

1413-14

1414-15

1415-16

1416-17

1417-18

1418-19

1419-20

1420-21

1421-22

1422-23

1423-24

1424-25

1425-26

1426-27

1427-28

1428-29

1429-30

1430-31

1431-32

1432-33

1433-34

1434-35

1435-36

1436-37

1437-38

1438-39

1439-40

1440-41

1441-42

1442-43

1443-44

1444-45

1445-46

1446-47

1447-48

1448-49

1449-50

1450-51

1451-52

1452-53

1453-54

1454-55

1455-56

1456-57

1457-58

1458-59

1459-60

1460-61

1461-62

1462-63

1463-64

1464-65

1465-66

1466-67

1467-68

1468-69

1469-70

1470-71

1471-72

1472-73

1473-74

1474-75

1475-76

1476-77

1477-78

1478-79

1479-80

1480-81

1481-82

1482-83

1483-84

1484-85

1485-86

1486-87

1487-88

1488-89

1489-90

1490-91

1491-92

1492-93

1493-94

1494-95

1495-96

1496-97

1497-98

1498-99

1499-1500

1500-01

1501-02

1502-03

Manor of Morden – Account of Ralph atte Rithe farmer of the Manor at the same place from the Eve

of Michaelmas in the 20th year of the reign of King Richard II after the Conquest until Michaelmas

Day then next following the 21st year of the above King Richard, for 1 entire year. [1396-1397]

Arrears

For arrears of his last account for the preceding year £16 15s.* Sum £16 15s. approved

Farm

For farm of the manor of Morden leased to Ralph atte Rithe for the year

for a term of 7 years this year 6th £14. Sum £14. approved

Profits of court

For the Court with View held at the same place Monday 8 July, 15s 6d. Sum 15s 6d. approved

Sale of stock

For 4 capons of ‘head-penny’/chevage sold 16d, price per head 4d. Sum 16d.

Sum total of receipts with arrears £31 11s 10d. approved

Rents paid out

In rent paid out to Thomas Kynwardeslee for the year, 4 terms, 4s. Sum 4s.

Cash Deliveries

Delivered to brother John Burwell bailiff of Westminster, both in full payment of

arrears and for part of his farm this year by 1 tally, £12 16s 10d . £12 16s 10d.

Sum of all payments and deliveries £13 10d. And so he owes £18 11s.

Which arrears, however, will be charged in his account next following. And so he is quit in respect of this.

Note:

That John Gildon owes to the same Ralph 104s 2d.

Value this year £14 12s 10d.

* The account roll for the previous year is mutilated and therefore has not been filmed (WAM 27923)

he is quit

Extract from WAM 27369, the account roll for 1409-10,

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of buildings by the bailiff £24 3s 5d; by farmer 17s 8d.

In wages of J Waltehm and J Feryng carpenters for 26 weeks mending and repairing as if anew the
hall chambers and other manor buildings at the same place this year £7 10s 10d, taking between
them per week 5s 10d.* In wages of 1 other carpenter for 13 weeks hired for the same wholesale
26s 8d. In wages of 2 other carpenters hired for 17 days at the same 15s 7d, taking between them
per day 11d. In 7000 plain tiles bought 31s 6d, price of 1000 with carriage 4s 6d. In 200 hollow
tiles bought 9s, price of 100 with carriage 4s 6d. In 3 quarters burnt lime bought 4s, price of a
quarter 16d. In 2000 nails bought for boarding the chamber floor and making others at the same
place 10s, price per 100 6d. In 200 nails bought 8d. In 300 nails bought for eavesboards 9d, price
of 100 3d. In 7000 roofnails bought 8s 2d, price of 1000 14d. In 12000 transom nails# bought
11s, price per 1000 11d. In 11000 sprignails bought 8s 3d, price per 1000 9d.$

In 1½ bushels tile-pins bought 9d. In cleaning out 1 pit for sawing 5d. In wages of Walter Dyker
for 10 days for pulling down the old roofing of the hall and barn at the same place 3s 4d, taking
per day 4d. In 700 feet of elm boards bought 17s 6d, price of 100 2s 6d. In 5000 heartwood laths
bought 30s, price of 1000 6s. In 1000 sapwood laths bought 3s 4d. In wages of Robert Shorefoot,
tiler, hired with his lad for 50 days strengthening walls of various buildings and tiling anew
the manor buildings at the same place in part 50s, taking between them per day 12d. In wages
of Thomas Dawber plastering walls of the hall, chamber and barn at the same place wholesale
20s. In 2 sawyers hired for 5 days for sawing various pieces of timber 5s 10d, taking between
them per day 14d. In hundred[weight] and a half of burnt lime bought 10s. In 22 cartloads stone
bought 14s 8d, per cartload 8d. In 200 large spike-nails bought 5s 10d. In 10 pairs of hinges
and 10 pairs of hooks, 2 iron cramps with nails bought 15s 4d. In scouring 1 weir and 1 ditch at
the same place 16s 8d. And paid to John Colbrond for tiles bought 10s. And in nails bought 3s
4d. In carrying laths, planks, timber, sand, clay by William Mulseye farmer this year for all 12s
8d. In 1 tiler hired for 6 days for roofing over the barn with 1 servant serving the same 5s, farmer
taking between them per day 10d.

Sum £25 13d.

* 26 weeks @ 5s 10d is £7 11s 8d. # made of iron, sometimes used for fixing laths on roofs, especially in the London area – Salzman pp.307-8
$ small/brad nails

Building work

Even though the demesne was leased at farm, the abbey still had responsibility for repairs, as set out in the 1503
lease to William Pratt:115

… And the aforesaid abbot, prior and convent and their successors shall sufficiently repair, sustain and maintain all
houses and buildings within the manor aforesaid with its pertinents at their own charge and expense. Except those
houses and buildings damaged by the aforementioned William, his servants or his beasts, which the same William
and his assigns shall repair, sustain and maintain at their own charge and expense. And it shall be well lawful for the
aforementioned abbot, prior and convent and their successors, or the domestic treasurer of the aforesaid monastery for
the time being, or him deputed in this regard, to enter into the aforesaid manor with its pertinents, and any part thereof,
at their pleasure, and to repair there as necessary as often as and whensoever it pleases them without contradiction of
the aforesaid William or his assigns. And the aforesaid William and his assigns shall have and receive yearly during
the aforesaid term sufficient housbote, heybote, and ploughbote and cartbote by supervision of the treasurer of the
aforesaid monastery for the time being, to be used in the aforesaid manor and not elsewhere.

In practice the farmer or the beadle undertook necessary repairs, sometimes supervised by the monk-bailiff, the
expenses being charged to the abbey and deducted from the year’s income, though in 1409/10 and 1495/96 the
building expenses exceeded the income.117 The farmer also assisted in various tasks, which kept costs down.116

Two major construction changes took place during the late 14th century. Whereas the manor buildings had been
entirely of timber before 1359, the later accounts refer to stone and burnt lime ‘bought for strengthening [pinnand]
the said buildings’ as in 1391/92 when 24s 9d was spent ‘for newly making one new building within the court of
length 40 feet and width 16 feet for a hay-house and stable, which the bailiff is to have’.118 The other change was in
roofing. The hay-house and stable had a thatched roof, using straw from the manor, but later buildings were tiled.

Work on the hall and chamber was spread over four accounting years.119 In 1406/07, 29 days’ labour (at 4d a day)
were spent ‘felling timber, pulling down the walls [perietes], roofing [tectura] and laths of the said old buildings
and helping [two] carpenters’ – John Gildon, the former beadle, hired for 21 days, and John Edward, the current
beadle and accountant, for 17 days, both at 5d a day. In addition 6 days’ cart hire for carting timber cost 6 shillings,
while 2 cartloads of stone bought at Merstham cost 5 shillings with carriage, a total of 36s 6d. The following year
Gilden and Edward each spent 6 days at 6d a day, a further 6 shillings. No work was recorded in 1408/09, perhaps
due to lack of finance, but in 1409/10 a payment of £17 19s 2d was ‘received from brother William Sonewell bailiff
of Westminster for various things of the manor done’, which the farmer was required to pay back over time.

In total, £25 1s 1d was spent this year on building work and other repairs to ‘the hall chambers and other manor
buildings’ (see extract on facing page). John Pycot was now beadle and accountant in place of Edward, and it may
be significant that 2 new carpenters were employed for 26 weeks, another for 13 weeks, and 2 more for 17 days.
Walter Dyker spent 10 days ‘pulling down the old roofing of the hall and barn’, before ‘Robert Shorefoot,120 tiler
[tegulator], with his mate [garcio]’ spent ’50 days strengthening walls of various buildings and tiling anew the
manor buildings’, while a tiler was ‘hired for 6 days for roofing over the barn with 1 servant’. 7000 plain tiles [tegula
plana] were bought at 31s 6d, price of 1000 with carriage 4s 6d, and 200 ‘hollow’ or ‘curved’ tiles, probably ridge
tiles [tegula concava], at 9s, price of 100 with carriage 4s 6d.121 10s was ‘paid to John Colbrond for tiles bought’. To
hold these in place 1½ bushels of tile-pins were purchased, as were 7000 roofnails, 12000 transom nails,122 11000
sprignails,123 ‘2000 nails bought for boarding the chamber floor and making others at the same place’ and ‘300 nails
bought for eavesboards’. Other purchases included 700 feet of elm boards, 5000 heartwood laths [hertlatth’] and
1000 sapwood laths [saplatth’]. A saw-pit was cleaned out for 5d and 2 sawyers were hired for 5 days ‘for sawing
various pieces of timber’. Finally Thomas Dawber was hired for ‘plastering walls of the hall, chamber and barn’.

Only minor repairs were recorded in 1445/46, tiling manor buildings at 2s 6d and planking the byre [boverium] at
4s,124 while in 1447/48 only 12s 5d was spent ‘for various repairs and other costs and expenses made and claimed
regarding the mending, repairing and fortifying of the manor of Monkon together with purchase of various stock
[stuffura] viz for claims of various kinds [sortibz] and other necessities pertinent to the same occuring within the
time of this account’.125

Previously, expenses had been listed on the account roll, but in 1493/94, 1495/96 and 1501/02 work was detailed
on separate schedules, examined at the audit, which have not survived.126 In the first and last years these were small
sums, 14s 1d and 5s 8¼d respectively, but 1494/95 saw a substantial outlay:

And in various costs of repairs made this year upon new building all the buildings at the same place, both in timber
and other stuff bought for the same and in wages of carpenters, tilers and other labourers working at the same place
just as more fully appears by 1 detailed schedule [billa de parcella] thereof examined at this audit in the presence of the
auditors £16 5s 3d.
Sum £16 5s 3d.

This section of the account also covered such activities as scouring of ditches and weirs and enclosure of gardens.127

Wages and prices 1388-1442

taken from account rolls for the manor and rectory of Morden (in shillings)

(no details are given in the later account rolls)

27341

27342

27343

27344-45

27346

27347

27348

27349

27350

27351

27352-53

27354-55

27356

27357-58

27359-60

27361-62

27363-64

27365-66

27367-68

27369-70

27371-72

27373

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

quarter wheat

quarter barley

quarter oats

quarter beans

carpenter daily

thatcher daily

demolition daily

tiler & mate daily

sawyer daily

1 cart hired

cart-load stone

100 plain tiles

100 hollow tiles

100 ’tiles’

1 ridge tile

quarter burnt lime

100ft elm boards

100 heartwood laths

100 sapwood laths

100 laths

100 lath nails

100 floorboard nails
100 eavesboard nails

100 roof nails

100 transom nails

100 sprig nails

1 bushel tile-pins

100 spike nails

100 door nails

shillings

1388-89

1389-90

1390-91

1391-92

1392-93

1393-94

1394-95

1395-96

1396-97

1397-98

1398-99

1399-00

1400-01

1401-02

1402-03

1403-04

1404-05

1405-06

1406-07

1407-08

1408-09

1409-10

1410-11

1411-12

1412-13

1413-14

1414-15

1415-16

1416-17

1417-18

1418-19

1419-20

1420-21

1421-22

1422-23

1423-24

1424-25

1425-26

1426-27

1427-28

1428-29

1429-30

1430-31

1431-32

1432-33

1433-34

1434-35

1435-36

1436-37

1437-38

1438-39

1439-40

1440-41

1441-42

147

THE CHURCH AND ITS
TITHES 1301-c.1500

Morden parish church in 1553

drawn by John Pile from a ‘plott’ or plan in The National Archives MPB 1/25/2 (see page 173)

148 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Morden’s medieval rectors and vicars

RECTORS date of institution, etc1

Master Thomas de Senesfeld, clerk2 early 13th century

Nicholas Lupicii, canon of St Peter’s Rome3 c.1246

Hervey de Borham4 8.2.1259

Master William de Brokesburn5 died 1273

Master Gerard de Staunden6 1273 (resigned 1301)

The rectory was appropriated in 1301

VICARS

Andreas de Stanford7 18 Dec 1305

Ranulph de Oldyngton8 11 Mar 1314/5 (resigned 14 Oct 1328)

[Thomas de Saunford9 1320]

William de Dokesworth10 14 Oct 1328 (resigned 1337)

Baldwin de Extre11 25 Mar 1337 (died c.1359

[Henry Horwell, chaplain 12 -1349]

John Handson, priest13 31 Jul 1359

John de Scaldewell ‘perpetual vicar of West Morden’14

John Waterfall15 11 Dec 1361

Andrew Mareshall or Mareschal16 16 Aug 1363 (resigned 1367)

Robert de Hatfeld/Hackfeld, priest17 14 May 1367 (resigned 1369)

Thomas de Hylderele/Hyldercle18 25 Jul 1369 (resigned 1371)

William Cooper/Coupere19 11 May 1371 (resigned 1372)

William Page, priest20 18 Feb 1372/3 (resigned 1378)

Robert Swafeld, priest21 5 Oct 1378 (resigned the same year)

John Passour, priest22 18 Feb 1378/9 (resigned 1379)

Roger de Lakynhuche or Lakynghethe, priest 23 25 Feb 1379/80 (died 1398)

William Chylde priest, ‘chaplain and vicar’24 10 Aug 1398

Robert Oversley25 <1405-1411>

John Whyte26 c.1416

William Felyce27 <1417-1422>

Robert Wordsworth of Morden vicar28 (his will was proved in 1429)

Robert Britayn, clerk29 c.1436

John Cecily perpetual vicar30 <1438-1443>

Thomas Wathe (alias Parys) 4 Nov 1447 (resigned 1455)

William Hebbyng31 30 Dec 1455 (resigned 1457)

Thomas Walsh32 1457-62 (resigned 1462)

Thomas Appulton 17 Jul 1462 (resigned 1469)

William Batemason or Batemonsey33 15 May 1469 (resigned 1482)

John Altostes 26 Apr 1482 (resigned the same year)

Robert Wyrkysworth 34 11 Mar 1482/3 (dead by 1493)

Robert Hornby35 16 Jan 1492/3-1500>

William Hendon36 <1513 (resigned 1516)

Henry Hundis, Hendys or Hound, clerk, perpetual vicar37 5 Jun 1516 (resigned 1542)

Richard Adamson, clerk38 4 Jan 1542/3 (dead by Dec 1552)

Sir John Mantell (curate at Merton by 1562 until his death in 1593)39 13 Dec 1552 (resigned by 1554)

Robert Buste, clerk, perpetual vicar40 (curate by 19 Mar 1549), 26 Apr 1554

Henry Bradshaw also vicar of Mitcham41 1559? (resigned 1562)

Robert Jones, clerk42 6 Apr 1562 (died 1572)

Thomas Merefeld, clerk43 17 Mar 1572/3

Francis Medcalfe, perpetual vicar44 1574, deprived 1589

Richard Dyer45 25 Aug 1589

William Cleaver46 1595 (resigned 1599)

Richard Slater (from 1604 vicar of Mitcham)47 30 Jun 1599 (resigned 1604)

William Audrey 4 Jun 1604 (resigned 3 Jun 1634)

Rectory restored 1634

< and > here denote that a person might have been in post before or after the dates given.

149

the church and its tithes 1301-c.1500

The church and its clergy

The parish church of Morden is dedicated to St Lawrence, a common dedication for churches of Saxon origin.48 There
were two saints of this name – St Lawrence the martyr, who died in Rome in 258, and the 7th-century St Lawrence
of Canterbury, successor to St Augustine. Canon Livermore favoured St Lawrence of Canterbury, on the basis of ‘an
ancient document … found in Lambeth Palace in 1955, in which Archbishop Kemp, under date 20th January 1453/4
moved ‘full indulgence to all and singular who attend the parish church of Morden in the diocese of Winchester on
the feast of St Lawrence the Martyr in any year, or who present something to the repair of the said church. This to last
forever.” Canon Livermore asked, ‘why thus dignify this feast day if it was already the parish feast? and if not, then
the obvious alternative was St Lawrence of Canterbury.’49

However, according to the local account roll for 1282/83, the feast of St Lawrence was the date that the reeve began to
provide oats as fodder for 2 carthorses, for a 35-week period culminating on the feast of St Alphege.50 As St Alphege’s
day is 19 April, the 35 weeks would have started on 10 August, the feast day of St Lawrence the martyr. As far as Walter
the reeve of Morden was concerned, this was ‘the feast of St Lawrence’, rather than 3 February, the feast of St Lawrence
of Canterbury. So Canon Livermore’s argument for a 15th-century change of dedication is not supported, though this
does not necessarily discount a Saxon foundation for Morden’s church. The monk-bailiff and two other monks from
Westminster visited Morden on the feast day this year, and one monk the previous year (see pages 88, 90),51 but no
indication is given of the purpose of the visits, which are not recorded in later accounts.

Though we cannot be certain of the date of the foundation of St Lawrence’s church – it is not mentioned in Domesday
Book (see page 3) – we know that it was in existence by 1157 when Pope Adrian IV confirmed Westminster Abbey’s
possession of various churches and chapels, including ‘the church of Morden [Mordone] with all its pertinents’.52 On
23 November 1230, Pope Gregory IX confirmed a pension of 6s 8d from the tithe of the church of Morden to the
precentor of Westminster Abbey.53 This pension was described in an undated document as ‘ancient’ [antiqua] when the
first recorded rector of Morden, Master Thomas de Senesfeld, was admitted ‘to the church of St Laurence of Morden’,
at the presentation of the abbey, by Peter de Roches, who was bishop of Winchester 1205-38.54

At least one successor was not resident in Morden, as he was a canon of St Peter’s Rome. As rector, Nicholas Lupicii
was entitled to receive the great tithes of the parish, but he came to an arrangement with the abbey to lease at farm to
them the tithes, in return for a sum of 20 marks (£13 6s 8d) a year. His letter of ’10 January 1246′ authorising ‘Jacob
Bonoincontro and Amiericose, citizens and merchants of Florence, for this year only, my proctors, to request and receive
20 marks of good and legal sterling from the venerable abbot and the convent of Westminster which are due to me
for the farm for the present year of my church of Morton [sic]’ survives among the abbey’s muniments, together with
the receipt by ‘Bonincontri’ of ‘sixteen marcs and thirteen shillings of good, new and legal sterling, namely calculated
at 13 shillings and fourpence sterling for each marc’, the remainder having been renounced by him.55

In 1273 Gerard de Staunden was presented by the abbey, ‘the true patrons’, to the vacant church of Morden, the bishop
of Winchester, Nicholas of Ely, ‘attending to the benefit of the same church and the exigency of your merits, and in
addition wishing to do a special favour for you, commend[ing] the same church with its appurtenances to you by
pontifical authority, for you to possess forever’. This ‘commendam’, a device employed to evade church laws against
pluralism, was confirmed in July 1283 by bishop Nicholas’ successor, John de Pontissara, ‘by special favour’, as Gerard
had received this commendam ‘before the Council of Lyons’, which in 1274 made it illegal for clergy to hold more
than one living at a time.56 In spite of this ban, Gerard was also appointed rector of the abbey’s church of Stevenage in
Hertfordshire in 1277, a post that he still held at his death shortly before February 1314/15,57 and it would seem that he
was already holding another benefice when presented to Morden. In the 1290s Gerard was serving as a clerk to Walter
de Wenlok, abbot of Westminster 1283-1307, including undertaking some business at the papal curia at Rome,58 and
the special favours he had already received from the abbey probably indicates that this service had predated Wenlok’s
promotion. With these other commitments Gerard was no doubt often absent, though he maintained strong links
with Morden. In 1312 he was recorded in the Extent as the freeholder of a substantial property in Lower Morden,
paying an annual quit-rent of 7 shillings to the abbey, though his non-residence is reflected in his many defaults to
appear at manorial courts between 1296 and 1299.59 He also held a freehold croft in ‘Westmorden’, ‘which is between
a tenement of the aforesaid church on each side’, granted to him by Isabel Poybele, which he quitclaimed to the abbey
on his resignation in 1301 – a 1½-acre plot of meadowland in Lower Morden was shown as glebe land of the church
in the tithe apportionment of 1838 and it is tempting to see this as Isabel Poybele’s former croft and its neighbours.60

Gerard was the last of the medieval rectors of Morden, as the church was ‘appropriated’ to the abbey on his resignation
in 1301, and vicars were appointed thereafter. They were often described as ‘perpetual vicars’, as they had secure
tenure, having been instituted by the bishop, and could not be removed at the whim of the abbey. Manorial court
rolls often refer to the vicar as the ‘parson’ [persona] of the parish church. Many held freehold or customary land in
the manor, and were often presented at the manorial courts for not scouring ditches or repairing bridges, while some
were prosecuted for trespass, debt, assault, poaching,61 or falsely claiming land belonging to their parishioners.62

WAM 1863, letter of John de
Pontissara, bishop of Winchester,

7 May 1300

endorsed ‘Appropriation of the
church of Morden by the bishop of
Winchester. Infirmary. Registered in
Morden. Requested.’

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean
and Chapter of Westminster

Light brown seal, chipped (very fine) –

Bishop full length vested and mitred
with crozier and right hand uplifted –
S’ JOHANNIS DEI GRATIA

WINTONIEN EPISCOP[ ]

Letter of the lord bishop of Winchester concerning the church of Morden acquired by W. de Wenlock, abbot

J., by divine permission the humble minister of Winchester church, to the beloved sons in Christ, by grace of God
the abbot of Westminster and the convent of the same place, greetings in the Lord eternal. Your tearful petition,
which has been exhibited to us, contained that it is permitted that, although your aforesaid monastery, which had
formerly been founded by the kings of England with a copious abundance of temporal things, had been accustomed
to flourish, nevertheless it is widely known to have fallen into the misfortune of poverty and the pressure of
extreme want, both from the malice of days and men and from the fire, which lately originated accidentally from
the royal palace and which destroyed your noble monastery, as if from the foundation. According to the resources
of your house, unless the Lord looks at you from high with eyes of divine mercy, this so miserable a fall will not be
possible to be repaired in any way, nor can the same monastery increase, so that it resurges. Therefore, as regards
the premises being both public and widely known, as if we are mercifully laying open the bowels of mercy and
compassion, and considering that your monastery, situated in a public and solemn place next to the city of London
and next to the king’s palace, to which a countless multitude of poor and infirm visitors frequently flock, for whom
it is both proper and reasonable for you to administer the necessities of life, we appropriate the church of Morden
of our diocese, next to Merton, in which you hold the right of patronage, to the relief and repair of the fall of your
monastery and to the more fruitful maintenance of the visitors and the infirm, to be possessed by you and your
aforesaid monastery forever on behalf of us and our successors, granting to you and your successors that on the
retirement or death of the now rector of the same church, you can freely convert all the fruits and proceeds of the
same church to your own use and that of your monastery thenceforth. Saving to the vicar in the said church after
the death of the said rector a suitable portion from the fruits and proceeds of the same church for all and singular
the ordinary charges and other incumbencies to be supported by us and our successors, to be assessed at the sum
of nine marks, and always saving the right and dignity of the church of Winchester and the archidiaconal right in
all matters. In testimony of which matter our seal is affixed to these presents. Dated at Dover on the morrow of
St John before the Latin Gate [7 May – the day following the dedication of Rome’s cathedral church of St John
Lateran], AD 1300 and the eighteenth of our consecration.

The appropriation of the church

In 1298 there occurred a ‘fire, which lately originated accidentally from the royal palace and which destroyed your
noble monastery [Westminster Abbey] as if from the foundation’, or so the bishop of Winchester had been led to
believe.63 This was an exaggeration, as the church and chapter house were unscathed, but domestic buildings and
the cloister were damaged.64 The abbey’s finances were already stretched, and they decided to increase their income
by ‘appropriating’ four churches in their patronage, one of which was Morden. The plan was to take over the right
to receive the tithes of each parish, which belonged to the rector, and to appoint vicars in place of rectors. John de
Pontissara, bishop of Winchester, in whose diocese Morden was, gave his assent when the living became vacant in
1301 on the resignation of the rector, Gerard de Staundon:

‘we appropriate the church of Morden of our diocese, next to Merton, in which you hold the right of
patronage, to the relief and repair of the fall of your monastery and to the more fruitful maintenance of the
visitors and the infirm, to be possessed by you and your aforesaid monastery forever on behalf of us and
our successors, granting to you and your successors that on the retirement or death of the now rector of the
same church, you can freely convert all the fruits and proceeds of the same church to your own use and that
of your monastery thenceforth.’65

The abbey was fortunate that John de Pontissara was so supportive, as the papal mandate for the other three churches
was not forthcoming for thirty years, and the appropriation of two of the churches was not completed until 1356.66

A series of documents records the progress of the appropriation:

7 May 1300 Letter of John de Pontissara in response to the abbot and convent’s ‘tearful petition’, appropriating
the church of Morden to the abbey (see opposite page).67

23 Jun 1300 Confirmation of the bishop’s letter by brother Henry de Merewell alias Woodlock, prior, and the
convent of St Swythun, Winchester.68

22 Oct 1301 Public Instrument recording the resignation of the church by Gerard de Staunton, rector of Morden,
into the hand of the bishop.69

25 Oct 1301 The bishop’s letter, directing the dean of Ewell to induct the abbey’s proctor into corporal possession
of the appropriated church of Morden, now vacant by the resignation of Gerard de Staundon.70

30 Oct 1301 Letter of W, vicar of Epsom and dean of Ewell, that he has fully inducted the abbot and the convent
of Westminster, by brother Walter de Arkesdene their fellow monk and proctor, into corporal
possession of Morden church.71

30 Oct 1301 Letter of the Official Commissary of Surrey that he has fully inducted the abbot and the convent
of Westminster, by brother Walter de Arkesdene their fellow monk and proctor, into corporal
possession of Morden church.72

1 Mar 1305 Memo that the above documents were seen during the visitation by Robert of Winchelsey, archbishop
of Canterbury. 73

1 Jun 1319 Royal pardon from Edward II to William de Curtlyngton, abbot, and the convent of Westminster, on
payment of a fine of £40, for the trespass done by Walter Wenlok, formerly abbot, and the convent
of Westminster in appropriating for themselves and their successors the church of Morden near
Merton, in the diocese of Winchester, being of their own advowson, without obtaining the licence
of the king’s father or of the king.74

So from 1301 the abbey became rector of the church of Morden, and had the right to receive the tithes. The reeve
or serviens of the manor also rendered his annual account ‘of the fruits of the church’ until 1359, when the ‘rectory’
and the manor were both leased at farm, the farmer taking over responsibility for the accounts. The ‘rectory’ was
essentially the rectorial right to receive the tithes, though the rectory barn was included and some land pertaining
to the rectory is also mentioned occasionally. A number of 14th-century tax receipts in the abbey’s muniment room
give the valuation of the abbey’s properties and rights (see pages 184-5).75 The annual assessment for ‘Morden
church’ between 1302 and 1362 was 24s, based on a valuation of £12.76 An additional 8d was charged for the 6s 8d
pension due to the precentor, which was now paid by the abbey from the issues of the rectory.

The abbey took over the rector’s responsibility for repairs to the chancel, while the rest of the church building
remained the responsibility of the parish. The abbey selected each vicar, presenting him to the bishop for induction.
The financial support of the vicar was agreed between the bishop and the abbey, two such agreements surviving
among the abbey’s muniments, and in 1535 the vicarage was included in the national valuation of church properties,
the Valor Ecclesiasticus.77

WAM 1851, Ordinance of John de
Stratford, bishop of Winchester, for
the vicarage of Morden appropriated
to William de Curtlyngton, abbot,
and the convent of Westminster,
21 August 1331, reproduced by
courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of
Westminster

Green seal, broken – oval

five figures under canopies:

Virgin Mary and child top;

below SS Peter & Paul;

below again two figures now broken
away.

Ordinance of the vicarage of Morden by the lord bishop of Winchester

Be it known to all by these presents that we, John, by divine permission bishop of Winchester, duly visiting the
archdeaconry of Surrey of our diocese recently, have caused to ordain for the perpetual memory of the matter
the vicarage of the parish church of Morden of our aforesaid diocese – [which said church] is appropriated to the
religious men, the abbot and convent of Westminster, concerning which the ordinance of the vicarage was not clear,
as was fitting – with the consent of the aforesaid religious men and Sir William, the vicar of the aforesaid church,
with all and singular [the things] which are lawfully required in this behalf concurring, in this manner: namely, that
the vicar for the time being of the parish church of Morden, aforesaid, will have a dwelling house with a curtilage
and garden, adjacent to the same church, which the priest of the parish was accustomed to live in from ancient
times, freely pertaining to his vicarage forever, and until he shall have that dwelling house, or a more suitable one
or at least one of equal value, assigned to him by the said monks for his habitation in perpetuity, the same monks
are to pay the procuration to the archdeacon of the place, as often as the same archdeacon shall happen to visit the
said church. Likewise, the vicar of the said church for the time being is to have the tithes of the watermill and all
obventions of the altar and all kinds of oblations howsoever accruing to the aforesaid church, which are made or
offered in masses or in confessions or otherwise in whatsoever manner, and all those things which are bequeathed
to him in last wills, and all the small tithes in whatever manner accruing to the above-mentioned church. Likewise,
he is to have 13 acres of arable land and half an acre of meadow and the whole tithe of hay from the aforesaid
parish and one quarter of wheat and one quarter of beans from the aforesaid monks, and he is to undertake all
ordinary charges incumbent upon the aforesaid church, after provision is made to him about this dwelling house.
Saving to us, nevertheless, the special power of assigning other portions of the things accruing to the aforesaid
church from this vicarage, when it will seem expedient to us. Approving which same ordinance which has been
made as is aforesaid, we wish and decree that the same is firmly observed in every part of it forever. In testimony
of which matter, we have caused our seal to be affixed to these. Dated at Farnham the 12th kalend of September
[21 August] AD 1331, and in the 9th year of our consecration.

The vicar’s portion

The original grant of appropriation by bishop John de Pontissara reserved to the vicar ‘from the fruits and proceeds
of the same church for all and singular the ordinary charges and other incumbencies to be supported by us and our
successors, to be assessed at the sum of nine marks’ [£6].78

In 1331,79 following a visitation of the church of Morden by the bishop of Winchester that revealed that there was no
clear provision for the vicar’s support, it was agreed by the interested parties that the vicar should have:

 a vicarage house – the former priest’s house adjoining the church or a more suitable one or one of equal value
(in 1535 the house, garden, orchard and 12 acres of glebe were valued at 16s, and the churchyard at 8d)80

 13 acres of arable land and half an acre of meadow (in 1535 only 12 acres of glebe are mentioned)81

 the tithes of the watermill (not mentioned in 1535)82

 the whole tithe of hay from the parish (valued at 8 shillings in 1535)83

 all the small tithes (in 1535 these included tithes of wood, hemp, beans, wool, lambs, calves, dairy produce,
colts, piglets, goslings, eggs, bees, honey, wax, apples, pears and pearmains, and personal tithes, together
valued at 57s 7d)84

 all offerings at the altar and all kinds of oblations made at masses, confessions, etc (in 1535 oblations are
mentioned on the 4 ‘principal days’ – Christmas, Easter, Whitsun and the Assumption of the Virgin – plus
Candlemas and Good Friday, totalling 9s 4d)85

 all that is bequeathed to him in wills

 one quarter of wheat and one quarter of beans provided by the abbey (already being paid in 1324/25)86

 responsibility for all charges incumbent upon the church after he has been provided with a house, the abbey
to pay procurations at archdeacon’s visits until then (in 1535 synodals and procurations totalled 8 shillings)87

In 1391/92 the quarters of wheat and beans paid to the vicar were replaced by a cash payment of 20s, but by 1399/1400
he received the wheat and beans as well as the 20s cash, and this continued until 1411/12, the last of the extant records.88

By 1442 or 1443 the vicar considered his portion to be ‘scanty’ [exilitate], and the bishop negotiated a new settlement.89
It was agreed that the vicar should receive all the tithes, including the ‘greater tithes’ of corn previously taken by the
abbey, paying to the abbey the sum of 26s 8d a year (see overleaf).

The abbey was to receive any income from the leasing of the glebe and ‘demesne lands of this parish church’.

In 1535 the vicar’s gross income was valued at £8 2s 7d, or £7 12s 10d after deduction of payments to the archdeacon.90

Extract from SHC K85/3/29, a 16th-century transcript of WAM 1853, Ordinance of the vicarage of Morden,
by Henry Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, 26 June 1442 or 1443

copyright Surrey History Centre, reproduced by permission

[… Sir John Cecily,] vicar of the aforesaid parish church, by right and in the name of the said religious men
and their aforesaid monastery, will receive and have all and all kinds of tithes, great and small, within the
said parish of Morden in whatsoever manner and howsoever issuing to the same religious men, the abbot and
convent, aforesaid, by the right and in the name of the aforesaid parish church howsoever belonging. And thus
the successors of the said Sir John Cecily, the aforesaid vicar of the aforementioned parish church, whosoever
of them as vicars at succeeding times, shall receive and have forever without trouble, disturbance or interference
of the abbot and convent of the aforesaid monastery whomsoever for the time being, only excepting the rents,
glebe and demesne land of the same parish church. And the same Sir John, the present vicar of the aforesaid
parish church, for his time and his successors, whosoever as vicars of the aforesaid parish church, at their
succeeding times, for the aforesaid tithes will faithfully render and pay, or cause to be rendered and paid, to
the aforementioned abbot and convent, proprietors of the aforesaid parish church or their attorneys twenty six
shillings and eight pence sterling, to be faithfully paid to them annually at Easter …

The tithe of corn

How each quarter of tithe corn was accounted for

SAL4

SAL5

27307

SAL12&8

SAL14

27308

27325

27328/30

27332

27334

27336

27338

27340

Rectory appropriated to Westminster Abbey

75

70

65

60

55

50

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

quarters of tithe corn

incoming grain

outgoing grain

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

600

590

580

570

560

550

540

530

520

510

500

490

480

470

460

450

440

430

420

410

400

390

380

370

360

350

340

330

320

310

300

290

280

270

260

250

240

230

220

210

200

190

180

170

160

150

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

acres

Reconstruction of acres subject to tithe

wheat

barley

to Westminster Abbey

mixstillio/rye

dredge

to Morden or other manor

pulses (peas, vetches & beans)

oats

sold

expenses

sold at audit

The tithes of corn

A few account rolls for the ‘rectory’ are extant and for the period before 1359 they detail the quantities of each
grain received as tithe. Most was delivered to the abbey, or to one of its manors, including the demesne of Morden,
though some was sold and the money sent instead. A small amount was consumed in expenses of harvest, and the
vicar received his quarter of wheat and of beans each year.

There is no reference in the early manorial accounts to tithe being deducted from the demesne corn in the years
before the appropriation in 1301. This is because the tithe corn was taken directly from the field, before it reached
the barn to be threshed and measured (the costs of collecting and threshing the tithe corn appear regularly in the
later rectory accounts). After 1301 the corn grown on the demesne was not subject to tithe, as the abbey was both
landlord and tithe-owner, though it had to pay the other tithes due to the vicar. The corn tithes came from tenants
of the manor, including Merton Priory or its tenants for its estates of Spital and Hobalds, and from the Morden
lands of the manor that was later called Ravensbury. Gratuities [curialitas] paid to some tenants of these estates
are sometimes recorded.

It should be possible to calculate the acreages subject to corn tithes, using the yield per acre identified for the
demesne crops (see pages 36-7). The chart at the foot of the facing page shows such a calculation for the seven
years for which figures are available.

From 1359 the rectory was leased at farm (see page 162) and there was no need to detail the quantities of the various
corn tithes. The farmer became responsible for supplying the vicar’s wheat and beans, deducting their cost from
his payment to the abbey.

As has been stated on page 153, in 1442 or 1443 it was agreed that the vicar should receive the tithes of corn, paying
the abbey 26s 8d a year.91 This sum was further mentioned in 1516 when Henry Hendy was presented,92 in spite of
the fact that the abbey had already leased its right to receive tithes to William Porter in 1511. Porter’s 60-year lease
of the abbey’s rights and interests in Morden included:

‘Also all and singular the lands, rents, pastures, meadows and woods belonging to the same Rectory, together
with all and singular the tithes, oblations and other profits and rights of the said Rectory whatsoever belonging
or pertaining, only excepting and reserving in every way to the aforementioned abbot, prior and convent
donations, nominations and presentations to the vicarage of the church of St Laurence of Morden aforesaid as
often as it happens to be vacant’ (see pages 138-9).93

The 26s 8d was not mentioned among the payments due from the vicarage in the Valor of 1535, so it would appear
that the 1442/43 arrangement had come to an end. Henry Hendy only received 22 quarters of tithe corn in 1535,
as follows:94

6 quarters wheat at 5s 30s

4 quarters barley at 3s 4d95 13s 4d

10 quarters oats at 2s 20s

2 quarters peas and vetches at 3s 4d 6s 8d

In total per year 70s

Had corn tithes fallen, perhaps due to conversion of arable to pasture? Or had yet another arrangement been made
whereby the vicar only received part of the tithe corn, the rest going to the abbey instead of the payment of 26s 8d?

In July 1554 John Wellsshe, Porter’s successor, leased for 17 years or life to Robert Bust, perpetual vicar of Morden,
for the sum of £5 a year, the tithe corn etc and personal tithes belonging to the parsonage of Morden except on
lands in the occupation of John Welshe ‘belonging to a farm called Mounkton maner otherwise called the Manor
of Mordon and the parsonage of the same town’. The tithes of hay on the manor were not reserved, as the vicar
was entitled to these by right.96 This seems to have been the latest of several such leases.97 Buste surrendered the
lease to the lord of the manor, Richard Garth, in 1556, and thereafter Garth received the tithe corn as lay rector.98

In 1590 the right to receive the tithes was claimed by the vicar, Francis Medcalfe, under the 1442/43 agreement,
but his claim was dismissed on three counts:

 there was no evidence that the 26s 8d due under the 1442/43 agreement – the ‘autenticknes’ of which was
questioned – had continued to be paid to the ‘parson’

 previous vicars who had received the tithes, as recollected by many senior parishioners, did so under leases
from the proprietors or their farmers

 Garth had manifestly ‘possessed’ the tithes in his right as ‘parson’ for many years.99

One outcome of this dispute is that many of the records referred to in this chapter are only available because they
were transcribed as evidence.

Rectory income and expenditure 1301-1359 (in shillings)

SAL4

SAL5

27307

SAL12&8

SAL14

27308

27325

27328/30

27332

27334

27336

27338

27340

400

390

380

370

360

350

340

330

320

310

300

290

280

270

260

250

240

230

220

210

200

190

180

170

160

150

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

290

300

310

320

330

340

350

360

370

380

390

400

410

420

430

440

450

farm of rectory appears in manor accounts

income

No other expenses recorded – at farm to vicar from harvest

At farm to vicar – August & September accounts only

Rectory appropriated to Westminster Abbey

expenses

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

arrears of last account

sale of oats

sale of old roofing

value of corn sent to abbey

harvest food expenses

building work: chancel

sale of wheat & curall

sale of legumes

cash towards expenses

unpaid from last year

various small costs

building work: barn

sale of dredge

sale of malt

sale at audit

threshing & winnowing

carting costs

cash to the abbey

sale of barley

sale of straw & chaff

value of unsold tithe corn

harvest wages

payment to reeve

allowances

The rectory accounts to 1359

The accounting year seems to have been the same as for the manor accounts, usually Michaelmas to Michaelmas
(see pages 192-3), the harvest being towards the end of the accounting year. As in the manorial accounts, cash is
recorded on the recto of the membrane and grain on the verso. The income was mostly from the sale of tithe corn
and its straw and chaff, and in 1353/54 some barley malt.100 In 1319/20 the sum of 6d was raised from the sale of old
shingles and thatch when the church was reroofed.101 In some years the abbey advanced a cash sum to cover the costs
of harvest, claiming it back when the account was settled, and in 1352/53 and 1353/54 the costs of mackerel and salted
fish obtained from the serviens of Battersea were also entered as ‘foreign receipts’ (see extract below and page 174).102

A calculated value for unsold tithe corn is included under both income and expenses on the chart on the facing page.
It might be sent to the demesne of Morden,103 or to another of the abbey’s manors,104 or to the abbey itself.105 The cost
of ‘carting 16 quarters oats beyond the water at Lambeth [Lamh’ith] 8d’ appeared in the account for 1324/25.106 Any
cash in hand was also sent to the abbey 107 or to the Morden demesne for inclusion in the manor accounts,108 though
in 1357 arrears of 48s 1½d were brought forward from the previous year.109 Other cash payments from tithe income
included the pension due to the precentor of Westminster Abbey, as well as a payment of 4d to the dean of Ewell in
1324/25 ‘viz for each master ¼d’.110 In 1352/53 the reeve was paid 13s 4d ‘for custody of the rectory’.111 Building costs,
for chancel or rectory barn, were often substantial (see page 161), but the most regular entries under ‘Expenses’ were
for collecting tithe corn at harvest (see overleaf) and threshing and winnowing the grain (see page 129). Expenses
often exceeded the sum received in cash, and the reeve’s ‘excess’ was usually settled in the manorial account,112 though
in 1353/54 he was still owed 17 shillings from the previous year.113 In 1352/53 he owed 25s 11d, ‘of which is allowed
to the same for various things disallowed both for the manor and for the Rectory 20s 3d. And so he owes 5s 8d.’114

In 1355/56 and 1358/59 a valuation of the rectory is included at the end of the accounts. In 1355/56 it was £8 1s 8d
‘apart from repair of the chancel’. In comparison, the value of the manor, including wool, was only £5 that year.115 In
1358/59, on the eve of permanently leasing the manor and the rectory at farm, the rectory was valued at £3 17s 8d.
No value was given to the manor that year, but it was leased at farm for £10 a year from Easter 1359.116 (The declared
valuations assign a lower value to the unsold tithe corn than that calculated for the chart on the facing page.)

Prices of tithe corn sold have been included with prices of corn bought and sold at the manor in the chart on page 48.

Extract from WAM 27328, the rectory account from 1 August 1352 to 1 August 1353

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Sale of corn

The same answers for 17s for 2 quarters wheat sold in September for harvest expenses. And for 6s
8d for [1 quarter 1 bushel wheat sold …] London in May. And for 15s 11¼d 19s 1½d for 3 quarters
1½ bushels wheat sold in April, price a quarter 6s. And for 18d for 2 bushels barley sold.

Sum 44s 3½d.

Issues of the manor

The same answers for straw and chaff nothing because expended in manor livestock.

Foreign [receipts]

The same answers for £4 received of brother R M’stone, bailiff, for harvest expenses.by 1 tally And for 7s in
4 salted fish 4s and ½-hundred mackerel 3s received from Robert Broun serviens of Battersea by 1 tally.

Sum £4 7s.

And for 3s 2d received for things sold at the audit. Sum 3s 2d.

Sum of Total Receipts: £6 14s 5½d.

The expenses of collecting the tithe corn at harvest 1302-1359

Staff employed during harvest

Weeks employed in harvest

SAL4

SAL5

27307

SAL12&8

SAL14

27308

27325

27328

27328/30

27332

27334

27336

27338

27340

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

expenses

‘Fruits of the church sold’ to the reeve, so no harvest expenses would have been incurred by the abbey

harvest expenses:

cook’s wages

stacker’s wages

pitcher’s wages

rider’s wages

carter’s wages etc

collectors’ wages

courtesy payments

gloves bought

crockery bought

salt bought

candles bought

dairy products bought

fish bought

bacon bought

meat bought

ale bought

oatmeal bought

bread bought

unspecified food

cooks

stackers

pitchers

riders

carters

collectors

number of weeks

weeks worked staff expenses in shillings

Rectory appropriated to Westminster Abbey

harvest staff:

1302

1303

1304

1305

1306

1307

1308

1309

1310

1311

1312

1313

1314

1315

1316

1317

1318

1319

1320

1321

1322

1323

1324

1325

1326

1327

1328

1329

1330

1331

1332

1333

1334

1335

1336

1337

1338

1339

1340

1341

1342

1343

1344

1345

1346

1347

1348

1349

1350

1351

1352

1353

1354

1355

1356

1357

1358

1359

weeks of harvest:

1012345678910111213141516171819202122232425262728293031323334353637383940414243444546474849505152535455565758596061626364656667
686970717273747513021305130813111314131713201323132613291332133513381341134413471350135313561359weekscook&
stackerpitcherridercarters&
years of harvest

Collecting the tithes

Two tithe collectors [collector deciorum], or ‘men on foot’ [peditum], were employed until 1352, but just one thereafter,
at a wage ranging from 3 shillings to 4s 6d each. A stacker [tassator] was paid at a similar rate. He was employed
at both the manor and the rectory in 1353 and 1354. The stacker often had the additional responsibility of feeding
the staff team, though sometimes a separate appointment was made, described variously as cook [cocius], cellarer
[claviger] or butler [pincerna]. A ‘pitcher’ [picharius] was also employed from 1352, at 3s, often in addition to the
stacker. The carter’s wages normally included the hire of a cart and 2 or 3 horses, though sometimes cart-hire and
equipment was entered separately (all these costs are combined in the chart on the facing page). In 1322/23 only the
carter’s expenses were paid, without his wages. No fodder costs are included for the horses of the carter, or of the
‘rider’ [equitator] who is also mentioned. Perhaps the latter served as supervisor. ‘The lands … were often scattered
over a wide area. The man responsible for ensuring that the harvest was gathered in efficiently would need to move
quickly from one field to another, and thus would need a horse. The horse may have been the official’s own, rather
than one provided by the lord, and so the lord may not have provided fodder. Instead, the rider’s payment would be
expected to cover his costs in feeding the horse.’117 From 1319 to 1322 he only received expenses, not a wage, so he
was probably a full-time employee of the abbey. From 1352, however, he did receive a wage during harvest, normally
at 6s 8d, but at 5 shillings in 1353 and 1354.118

In addition to their wages, the staff also received food allowances, at first entered as a lump sum, but from 1352 broken
down into component parts. The food costs on the chart opposite only cover purchases, but there are also references to
additional bread being baked and ale brewed, so the real costs would have been higher. Staff also received meat – beef,
pork and mutton [carnis bovis porci et multonis] and bacon [baco] are mentioned – as well as salted fish [piscis salsus]
– mackerel [makerel] and herring [allecium] are specified – and dairy products – milk, butter and cheese. Oatmeal is
listed once, and salt frequently. In 1352 the purchase of 10 dishes [discus], 6 platters [parapsis], 6 saucers [salsarium]
and 2 bowls [ciphis] was recorded at 14d.119 Other harvest costs included candles, or wax for making candles, for the
3 boonworks at the manor of Morden and 1 at the manor of ‘Estbury’ or ‘Arsbury’ (early names for Ravensbury) (see
page 3). Gloves [cerotecis] were also purchased for each member of staff, and 2 further pairs were bought in 1322-25
for ‘men of the vill’.120 Cash gratuities [curialitas] were made to ‘various men of the vill’ – deleted entries in 1352 and
1353 explained these as ‘at Estbury 3s, at the court of the hospital of Morden [Merton Priory’s Spital estate] 12d. Also
manor of Westberue 12d.’ – elsewhere entered as ‘Westbery 8d’ – presumably the manor of Morden.121

Extract from WAM 27328, the rectory account from 1 August 1352 to 1 August 1353

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of harvest

Also in expenses of 7 men in harvest, viz. 1 rider, 2 tithe collectors, 1 carter, 1 pitcher, 1 stacker
both at the manor and at the rectory and 1 cellarer and cook, in bread baked as overleaf, 2 quarters
1 bushel wheat, 6 bushels rye and 4 bushels barley. Also 1 quarter 4 bushels dredge malt brewed as
overleaf and no more because all the rest of the ale purchased. In 92 85 gallons ale bought besides
malt brewed 12s 6d, 10s 7½d price of a gallon 1½d. In meat – beef, pork and mutton – bought 8s. 6s
8d In bacon bought witnessed by bailiff 3s. In 4 salted fish bought by bailiff 4s. In ½-hundred mackerel bought
by bailiff 3s. In cheese, butter and milk bought 6s. In 3lb wax bought for boonworks at Estbury and
manor of Morden 18d. In 3lb 2lb of candles bought 6d. 4d In gratuities given to various men of the
vill, viz at Estbury 3s. Also the court of the hospital of Morden 12d. Also manor of Westberue
12d. In 1 bushel salt bought 16d. 12d In 10 dishes bought, 6 platters, 6 saucers and 2 bowls bought
14d. In 7 horseshoes, 2 clouts for carts with 2 common reins bought 15½d. In grease bought
for greasing carts in harvest 6d.4d Sum 38s 11d.

Expenditure on the chancel and rectory barn 1301-1412

and the number of days that craftsmen were employed

27297

SAL4

SAL5

27307

SAL12&8

SAL14

27308

27325

27328

27328/30

27332

27334

27336

27338

27340

27341

27342

27343

27345

27353

27355

27356

27358

27360

27362

27364

27366

27368

27370

27372

No accounts survive for the intervening years

No accounts survive for the intervening years

No accounts survive for the intervening years

112

111

110

109

108

107

106

105

104

103

102

101

100

99

98

97

96

95

94

93

92

91

90

89

88

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

76

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

expenditure:

barn: locks

barn: nails

barn: laths & withies

chancel:hurdles

chancel: tiles

chancel: shingles

chancel: nails

chancel: glass

chancel: timber

chancel: lime

chancel: transport

chancel: cash repaid

chancel: visitors’ expenses

barn: roofers’ wages

barn: carpenters’ wages

chancel: smith’s wages

chancel: tilers’ wages

chancel: carpenters’ wages

chancel: mason’s wages

days worked:

barn: roofers

barn: carpenters

chancel: tilers

chancel: carpenters

days worked expenses in shillings

The East Window in

St Lawrence Church

(photo Rev R Skinner)

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

1359-60

1360-61

1385-86

1386-87

1387-88

1388-89

1389-90

1390-91

1391-92

1392-93

1393-94

1394-95

1395-96

1396-97

1397-98

1398-99

1399-1400

1400-01

1401-02

1402-03

1403-04

1404-05

1405-06

1406-07

1407-08

1408-09

1409-10

1410-11

1411-12

Building work

St Lawrence church in its current form dates from the 17th century, when the medieval structure was faced in brick,
though the old walls still carry the weight of the roof.122 A sketch of the church from 1553 (see page 147) shows the
tower capped by a small spire within an embattled parapet. The 1559 will of Nicholas Smythe of Morden, yeoman,
includes a bequest of 5s to the church of Morden towards weatherboarding the steeple.123

When the church was appropriated in 1301, Westminster Abbey took on the rector’s responsibility for maintaining the
fabric of the chancel, and in 1303/04 the ‘Foreign expenses’ section of the manor account records 2 shillings ‘in repairing
1 window in the chancel of Morden church and other necessities in the same by piecework’ and 8d for supervisory
visits by abbey officials.124 Thereafter, rectory accounts include building and repair costs, mainly for roofing and for
the east window. The mullions of the east window are of 14th-century style, though, as they are believed to be of the
same Oxfordshire stone as the plinth supporting the brick walls,125 they are unlikely to be the originals of 1356, when
£4 was spent ‘in wages of a mason for the front of the chancel and for making 1 window by agreement’. Other expenses
that year were ‘in 18 quarters 6 bushels lime [calcea] 25s, price of a quarter 16d. In 12 carts fetching sand [zabulona] at
Bandon 4s. In 8 hurdles for the scaffold 22d.’ The mason also received 4 bushels of wheat.126 In 1358 10 shillings were
spent in ‘making window glass’, and a smith was paid 2d ‘for repairing 1 window bar’.127

That year the timbers and tiles of the roof also underwent substantial repair (see extract below). The roof had been
repaired in 1320/21, but no mention was then made of tiles. Instead 1000 shingles [schingulis] were bought for the
church at 7s, 2000 nails at 2s, 1 quarter of planking [schotbord] at 9d, 100 large nails at 3d, with a further 4s 6d ‘in
wages of 1 man roofing the church with the aforesaid by piecework’.128 Old shingles and roofing [cooptura], presumably
thatch, at the church were sold for 6d. Further roofing work was undertaken in 1405/06 and 1406/07, 900 tiles and
13 ridge tiles [tegula cresta], being bought the first year, and 1000 tiles the next. The cost of 2 cartloads of stone from
Chaldon [Chalvedon] at 5 shillings was disallowed by the auditor, ‘because in manor’.129 The following year ‘John Gildon
carpenter’ was paid 2s 6d ‘for 5 days making new desks in the chancel by order of the bailiff’.130 The repairs financed
in 1453/54 by the sale of indulgences by the archbishop (see page 149) may have been for the church rather than the
chancel, that being the responsibility of the parishioners, not of the abbey.131

The abbey was responsible for repair of the rectory barn, which was thatched using the straw from the tithe corn.132 In
1327, after 7s 6d had been spent on repairs to the barn, the following was entered at the foot of the account roll: ‘And
note that the fruits of this church have been sold by the convent to John Huberd [the reeve] for the first year following
for £6 as said. And from now on he will maintain the buildings during his term.’133

(Prices of building materials are charted with the manor items on page 26, and daily rates of pay on page 102).

Extract from WAM 27338, the rectory account for 1358

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cost of buildings

And in wages of 1 roofer for roofing over the rectory barn for 2 days for himself and his lad 12d. Sum 12d.

Chancel repairs

And in wages of 1 carpenter for treading the (roof) spars of the chancel for 2 days 12d. And in 100 large
nails for the same 6d. And in 8000 tiles bought at Westerham 26s 8d, the price of 1000 40d. And
in carriage of the same 21s 6d. And in 1000 tiles bought at Kingston 5s 6d. And in 4000 lathnails
bought 5s 4d. And 1 quarter of a hundredweight of burnt lime bought 2s 2d. And payment for making
window glass by agreement 10s. And in hiring 1 tiler for 10 days for himself and his lad 6s, taking
per day [blank]. And in expenses of carts for their coming at Morden 16d. And in wages of 1 smith
for repairing 1 window bar 2d. Sum £4 2d.

allowed
because
all by the
bailiff

£4 2d.

The rectory at farm from 1359

Westminster Abbey had experimented with leasing the rectory of Morden as early as 1351/52, when the manor grange
accounts record 8 quarters wheat, 8 quarters barley and 8 quarters oats ‘received of Baldwin vicar of Morden for farm
of the rectory’,134 but this seems to have been a one-off. However, in 1359 the rectory account concludes: ‘And note
that it is leased in future years for 12 quarters wheat, 8 quarters barley and 12 quarters oats’.135 No mention is made of
the name of the lessee, and no further account rolls survive for the next three decades. By the time the extant accounts
recommence in 1388/89, the rectory and the manor demesne were leased together to two local men, John Edward and
Ralph atte Rithe, paying £15 a year for the demesne and £10 for the rectory.136 This continued until 1391, when atte
Rithe took on a new 7-year lease of the demesne at £14 a year, while the rectory was leased to William Wynteworthe
for £11 a year.137 Wynteworthe held a substantial freehold tenement in Lower Morden from before 1378 until his death
in 1395/96.138 No further rectory accounts survive until 1399, when Ralph atte Rithe, still farming the demesne, paid
£10 a year for the rectory.139 John Spyk held the lease from 1400 to 1409, paying £10 in 1400, dropping to £8 a year
from 1403, and settling at £9 3s 4d from 1405.140 In 1409 William Mulseye was paying £9 3s 4d, as he was in 1411/12
when the extant run of rectory accounts cease.141 Spyk and Mulseye also held the lease of the manorial demesne from
1406/07 (see pages 136-7).142 From 1511 the rectory and manor were leased together to William Porter at £10 a year
(see pages 138-9).143

From 1404/05 it was recorded that the farm was paid out of the proceeds of the previous harvest. The accounts show
that no cash had been sent to the abbey in 1399/1400 or in 1400/01, the arrears being carried forward to succeeding
accounts. Although a substantial sum was paid in 1401/02, arrears mounted over the years, exceeding £367 by
1411/12, in spite of sums ranging from 3s 8d to 36 shillings being ‘remitted to [the farmer] by grace of the lord prior
and discretion of the auditors’ in 1403/04, 1407/08, 1409/10 and 1411/12.144 No reason is given for these remittances,
but some at least may have been in response to a particularly poor harvest.

The farmer could claim for the wheat and beans bought on the abbey’s behalf for the vicar’s portion (see page 153).
From 1391/92 this was supplemented by a cash payment to the vicar of 20 shillings a year.145 From 1405/06 the farmer
could claim 7 shillings a year for cloth for a gown.146 Other occasional chargeable expenses included 4½d in 1404/05 for
‘procurations’, a payment made in lieu of providing hospitality at archdeacons’ visitations,147 and 6s 8d for the farmer’s
expenses when summoned to Chapter at Kingston, Cobham [Coveh’m?], Leatherhead and Croydon in 1411/12 ‘because
of the disrepair of the chancel’.148 Building work in this period has been examined on the previous page.

The value of the rectory was calculated by deducting these expenses and
allowances from the farm. In 1388/89 and 1389/90 the declared value
did not allow for the vicar’s portion, which had been deducted from the
demesne’s value in error.149 The declared value in 1403/04 and in 1408/09
was 20 shillings higher than it should have been.150 But as with the declared
valuations of the manorial demesne (see pages 141,143), these were
indications of the potential value, not the real income from the property
delivered in cash to the abbey. The accumulated arrears reduced the real
value considerably.

Rectory income and expenditure 1388-1412 (in shillings)

no other data are available for the period that the rectory was at farm

02040608010012014016018020022024001234567891011121314151617181920212223242526cash>WA 0.00VALUE 0
27372

27370

27368

27366

27364

27362

27360

27358

27356

27355

27353

27345

27343

27342

27341

1411-12

1410-11

1409-10

1408-09

1407-08

1406-07

1405-06

1404-05

1403-04

1402-03

1401-02

1400-01

1399-1400

1398-99

1397-98

1396-97

1395-96

1394-95

1393-94

1392-93

1391-92

1390-91

1389-90

1388-89

02040608010012014016018020022024001234567891011121314151617181920212223242526cash>WA 0.00VALUE 0
income

expenses

550

540

530

520

510

500

490

480

470

460

450

440

430

420

410

400

390

380

370

360

350

340

330

320

310

300

290

280

270

260

250

240

230

220

210

200

190

180

170

160

150

140

130

120

110

100

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

110

120

130

140

150

160

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

240

250

260

270

280

290

300

310

320

330

340

350

360

370

380

390

400

410

420

430

440

450

460

470

480

490

500

510

520

530

540

550

occasional expenses

building costs

remitted by abbey

carried forward

farm of rectory

arrears

cash to the abbey

vicar’s grain pension

vicar’s cash pension

cloth for tunics

declared value of the rectory

cash sent to Westminster Abbey

(in shillings)

27341

27342

27343

27345

27353

27355

27356

27358

27360

27362

27364

27366

27368

27370

27372

240

220

200

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

1388-89

1389-90

1390-91

1391-92

1392-93

1393-94

1394-95

1395-96

1396-97

1397-98

1398-99

1399-1400

1400-01

1401-02

1402-03

1403-04

1404-05

1405-06

1406-07

1407-08

1408-09

1409-10

1410-11

1411-12

163

THE WIDER ECONOMY

A cart with three horses harnessed in tandem

based on an illustration in the Luttrell Psalter c.1340 (BL Add MS 42130, f.162)

164 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Morden and its environs

annotated maps of Middlesex from Lysons II (1795) and of Surrey from M&B III (1808), showing locations
mentioned in the text. Westminster Abbey manors are shown in CAPITAL letters

0 1 2 3 4 5

Scale of Statute Miles

aldenham

hendon

hampstead

greenford

paddington

London

hanwell

knightsbridge

Southwark

westminster

Bermondsey

Lambeth

Chelsea

combe

battersea

wandsworth

Dulwich

echelford

teddington

Merton

penge

halliford

Kingston

Mitcham

Malden

MORDEN

Croydon

Sparrowfeld

Carshalton

Cheam

Cuddington

claygate

EWELL

Woodmansterne

Cobham

Leatherhead

Chaldon

westerham

Merstham

Guildford

Reigate

the wider economy

165

The wider economy

The manor of Morden was not self-sufficient or self-contained. Millstones were purchased at London,1 Wandsworth,2
Hampstead,3 and Kingston.4 Building stone came from quarries at Merstham and Chaldon [Chalvedon].5 Roof tiles were
bought at Kingston and at Westerham, just over the county border in Kent.6 Oats were fetched from Woodmansterne.7
Wheat was sold in London in 1352-53.8 Timber was obtained from the abbey’s estate at Claygate, and firewood from its
woods at Penge. Grain, livestock and other supplies were exchanged among the convent’s manors in Surrey, Middlesex,
Hertfordshire, Essex and Kent (see pages 168-171). A new mill was carted from Aldenham in Hertfordshire to Chelsea,
and then shipped across to Battersea before being carted to Morden (see page 15).9 Grain was carted to Lambeth for
ferrying to Westminster,10 a stable and hay being hired at Lambeth in 1349/50.11 Bridge-toll was paid at Kingston on
mixstillio carted from Halliford in Middlesex.12 Manorial carts transported grain from Ashwell and Aylesbury.13

Sales of excess stock and purchases of various necessities would have taken place at local markets and fairs, such
as Kingston and Croydon. Fairs [nundina] and markets [foris], or ‘church and market’, were also where strays were
proclaimed ‘according to English law and the custom of the manor’ (see page 83).14 As early as 1332/33 the account
roll refers to a payment of 2d, under ‘Foreign expenses’, ‘in proclaiming at Croydon and Carshalton 1 female draught
horse [affra femella] and 1 bullock, arriving as strays’.15 Strays were successfully claimed by inhabitants of Dulwich
[Dylwyche], Kingston upon Thames [Kyngeston’ super Thamis], Ewell and Carshalton [Carsalton], though it must not
be assumed that the animals or their owners were necessarily resident in these places.16

Stray animals were proclaimed on up to three occasions before being forfeited to the lord of the manor if unclaimed.
Human ‘strays’ were dealt with more swiftly. In April 1404 ‘a certain stranger came within the lordship carrying one
knife [cultrium] worth 6d, who was taken on suspicion of theft and led to Wandsworth [Wandelesworth] and handed
over into the custody of Robert atte Heth bailiff of the liberty to answer therefor to the lord etc’.17

The abbey was often involved in litigation, and local officials and juries might be called before the king’s justices.
Thus a property dispute was settled at the 1235 eyre at Bermondsey.18 In 1397 plaintiffs, defendants and jurymen
were summoned to Westminster by the chief justice of the common pleas over criminal assaults by tenants of Cheam
resulting from disputes regarding common rights in Sparrowfeld (see page 173).19 A case against a Ewell tenant who
owed 24 years in rent arrears was heard at the assizes at Southwark in 1456 (see page 167), and details of accommodation
expenses for jurors and others survive.20 Expenses relating to another case, entered in the manorial account for 1352/53,
read suspiciously like a bribe: ‘In expenses of Bartholomew de Kenewardesleye, Ralph de Herc’, Nicholas Caru, with
grooms and horses, at 1 breakfast so that they might be friendly in giving judgement, 2s 6d’.21

Ecclesiastical affairs might also involve travel. In 1411/12 William Mulseye, the farmer of the rectory at Morden, was
summoned to Chapter at Kingston, Cobham [Coveh’m], Leatherhead and Croydon because of the disrepair of the
chancel (see page 162).22

Morden was on Stane Street, the Roman road from London to Chichester. It was possibly still in existence when the
bounds of the parish were fixed in the 12th century, as a length of the boundary followed the line of Stane Street.
The present A24 diverges from the ancient route for virtually the whole of its transit through the parish, though its
winding course occasionally coincides with the Roman road. The present A24 is presumably the road described in the
Morden manorial court roll for 16 April 1521 as ‘the king’s highway leading from Morden as far as Ewell’.23 References
to ‘the king’s highway’ [via regia] are usually concerned with roadside ditches, or branches overhanging the highway,
‘to the nuisance of the common people of the lord king passing through’.24 Thus on 12 April 1515 orders were given
to scour a length of ditch in this road, described as ‘the king’s highway called London Waye, namely from the church
of Morden as far as Monkyns Marshe’.25 On 10 May 1388 it was described as ‘the king’s highway leading from London
towards Guildford’, passing Morden churchyard,26 the route now followed by the A24 and A246.

Other major routes are also mentioned in the court rolls. On 26 April 1512 there is a reference to ‘the king’s highway
leading from Morden towards Kingston [Kyngeston]’,27 and a more precise location is given on 28 May 1516, 20 April
1518, 10 May 1519 and 18 April 1520 – ‘the king’s highway at Hobboldes leading from Morden as far as Kingston
[Kyngston]’.28 As Hobalds occupied the site of the North East Surrey Crematorium this was presumably the present
Green Lane from Lower Morden to Worcester Park, where it joins the A2043 through Malden to Kingston. Another
road was ‘the highway [alta via] between [inter] Morden and Croydon’ mentioned on 27 April 1457 in regard to a
‘ditch lying near to Swaynes’ in that highway.29 Was this the route via Mitcham, across Mitcham Common, or along
Central Road, Green Lane and Wrythe Lane to Carshalton and then along the A232? The latter route might explain
why strays were proclaimed ‘in Croydon and Carshalton’ (see above).30 Central Road is called Stoyle or Stoile Street
in late-medieval and post-medieval periods.31

Bow Lane is often mentioned in local records, but is never referred to as the king’s highway. The lane covered the entire
route between Lower Morden and Merton ‘village’ – roughly along the line of the present Bow Lane, the footpath into
Camborne Road, Camborne Road itself, and Cannon Hill Lane to the Kingston Road by the former Nelson Hospital.

Morden Fee in Ewell c.1400 – annotated detail from P Shearman’s reconstruction map, by
courtesy of Surrey Record Society, with extracts from C Deedes’ translation of the 1408 Survey

‘a toft of Mordons fee,
formerly Fitzneel, which
Thomas Aylward holds’

M

M

‘a messuage of Mordons
fee, which John Pers holds’

‘a capital tenement
called Quedekepe, of
Mordons fee, which
Laurence Codyngton
holds’

M

M

M

M

‘a tenement of Mordons fee,
which Thomas Kyppyng holds’

‘a messuage of Mordons fee, which
Laurence Codyngton holds’

‘a messuage
of Mordons
fee, which
John le Herner
atte Welle
holds, near to
Cakeswell’

WEST STREET

M

‘a messuage with a
curtilage of Mordons
fee, which Robert
Schaldeford holds,
near to the Hacche,
through which
one goes towards
Ebesham’

M

‘a toft of the fee of Mordons fee,
which John Kyppyng holds’

M = Morden Fee

W = Wallington fee

F = Fitznells manor

Morden Fee in Ewell

Ewell was a royal manor until granted to Merton Priory by Henry II in the 1150s,32 but there were also some independent
manors and some small estates held from other manors. Westminster Abbey claimed 2 hides of land in Ewell by right
of a charter of Dunstan, then bishop of London, and King Edgar in 959, which now exists only in a 12th-century
fabrication (see page 3).33 This holding was not specified in Domesday Book among the abbey’s estates, but its estate
in Morden, described in 969 as 10 hides, had been assessed at 12 hides in 1066, suggesting that the Ewell lands were
already part of the Morden estate.34 By the late 13th century, when the extant court rolls and account rolls begin, the
tenants of these Ewell properties formed a separate tithing within Morden manor, with its own head tithingman
[capitalis decennarius] and ale-taster [cervisie tastator]35 and, according to a survey of Ewell undertaken in 1408 by
Merton Priory, Westminster Abbey’s holding there was called Mordons or Morden Fee.36

According to the 1312 Extent,37 the abbey had four ‘free’ tenements in Ewell (see extract on page 126):

In 1312 formerly rent medsilver men at boonworks cocks hens

Robert fitz Neel knight Richard de Gildeford 11s 0d 1d 17 1 1

Thomas de St Michael Geoffrey le Cras 8s 0d ½d 14 2 3

Thomas de St Michael Walter Snel 3s 6d ½d 8 0 1

John Cuppyng Nicholas his father 7s 7d 1d 0 1 1

Apart from the poultry, these details accord with the Custumal c.1225: ‘From Ewell 30s at the 4 terms and they must
come to 5 boonworks in Harvest and they owe 10 hens and 1 cock and owe 3d for mowing’,38 the extra penny in 1312
perhaps due to an additional cottage built on part of Cuppyng’s property.

Under the section headed ‘Rent Increments’ a further property is listed in 1312: ‘Thomas de St Michael holds 1 cottage
and 2 acres land at a rent of 2d at Michaelmas’ – probably the messuage and 2 acres received in 1297 from his brother
William by John Snel, no doubt relatives of Walter Snel mentioned above.39 A later marginal note reads: ‘He does not
know but says that it is assized in Ewell’. The ½d increment from John ‘Yuel’ might also have been for a Ewell property.
Either of these could be the ‘messuage of Morden Fee which John le Herner atte Welle holds near Cakeswell’, one of
the sources of the Hogsmill River, in 1408.

Each of the holders of these tenements owed suit at the manorial court at Morden, but the court rolls show that they
frequently defaulted. Sir Robert fitz Neel was lord of the sub-manor of Fitznells in Ewell,40 and Thomas de St Michael
was shortly to inherit the lordship of the neighbouring manor of Cuddington.41 These properties were still in the
possession of the lords of these manors in the late 15th century, and probably beyond. Each had his own manor house,
so these Morden Fee properties were leased to tenants. From early in the 15th century the abbey was unable to exact
the rent and services due from these tenements, in spite of litigation in the manorial courts and in the royal courts (see
page 141). Thus in 1456 the abbot’s attorney brought a complaint before the assizes that Richard Benton or Denton
had ‘disseisined him of 11s 7d of rent and of the render of 2 cocks and 4 hens … The renders of service arise from one
messuage and 30 acres of land with pertinences in Ewell called Quedekepes, which are held from the present abbot
himself, as from his manor of Morden’. Damages were assessed at 5 marks, and with the outstanding arrears together
amounted to £17 plus 48 cocks and 80 hens.42

A marginal note in the 16th-century transcript of the 1312 Extent identifies Fitz Neel’s tenement as ‘parcel of the manor
called Quedekepe viz built there with 30 acres of land for rent 11s 6d and other services’,43 but in fact Quedekepe
was the tenement held in 1312 by Thomas de St Michael, and previously, in the reign of Henry III, by Geoffrey le
Cras.44 A detailed description of the two St Michael tenements survives from the time of Henry VII (1485-1507).45
The messuage of Quidekepes included ‘the hall, chamber [edge of membrane damaged] gate with a chamber on each
side of the aforesaid gate’. The other messuage is not described apart from the fact that it ‘lies opposite the messuage
in which the said Richard dwells, and one lane separates both the messuages aforesaid’. In addition details are given
of 31 acres of land in 7 parcels ranging from 1 acre to 9 acres, held of the abbey.

The 1408 survey lists the messuages or house plots for all the Ewell manors in topographical order, and these have been
mapped by Philip Shearman (see detail on facing page), though the plots have not been drawn to scale.46 Quedekepes
is the only Morden Fee property that is named, one of the many house plots within the area now occupied by Bourne
Hall. The other St Michael plot was almost opposite in Spring Street, while the ‘Fitznell’ plot was around the corner
at the far end of Spring Street.

The Cuppyng or Kyppyng tenement remained in that family until the early 15th century, though odd acre and ½-acre
plots had been sold over the years. Two cottages had also been sold towards the end of the 14th century, one to Thomas
Person and the other to John Shaldeford, lord of the manor of Shaldford, Shawford or Ruxley.47 In 1408 John ‘Pers’
held a messuage of Morden Fee adjoining a Fitznell holding at the far end of Spring Street, while Robert Schaldeford’s
messuage and curtilage was at the junction of South Street with the road to Epsom. Thomas Kyppyng’s tenement was
two down from the St Michael messuage opposite Quedekepe, while John Kyppyng held a toft in West Street, plus
19½ acres of arable in 21 parcels scattered over 11 ‘cultures’ and 5 acres of woodland, though not all of Morden Fee.48

Exchanges with Battersea manor, excluding sheep

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327-9

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 12-13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

to battersea

from battersea

wheat (quarters)

dredge (quarters)

wheat from rectory

rye (quarters)

barley (quarters)

pulses (quarters)

oats (quarters)

maslin (quarters)

apples (quarters)

carthorses

draught horses

colts

oxen

pigs

sows

piglets

young piglets

geese

capons

fleeces

elm boards

cider (casks)

cash (shillings)

salted fish (shillings)

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

Exchange with other Westminster Abbey manors

Westminster Abbey had estates all over the country, which, by the 13th century, were divided between the abbot and
the convent.49 The abbot’s manors provided the financial support for the abbot and his entourage, while the convent’s
manors supported the monks. Morden was allocated to the convent, and formed one unit within a nationwide
economy under the overall control of the Westminster monk-bailiff. He had an overview of all the estates and could
direct surplus stock from one manor to be sent to another to make up a shortage.

The nearest of the convent’s manors to Morden, and the one with which it had most frequent contact, was Battersea,
which included an outlier at Penge supplying firewood for Morden and elsewhere.50 Battersea manor also included the
abbey’s holdings at Wandsworth until these were assigned to the abbot in the 14th century. The convent then purchased
other estates in Wandsworth, including Allfarthing,51 where a Laurence Mordon was a leading inhabitant.52 Also in
Surrey was Claygate, a valuable source of timber.53 Teddington in Middlesex was not far away, across the river from
Kingston, and grain and livestock were sometimes exchanged with Morden. A family with the surname Mordone was
found in Teddington throughout the 14th century.54 Morden also had occasional links with other Middlesex manors
– Echelford in Ashford, Greenford (which included Hanwell), Halliford, Hampstead, Hendon, Knightsbridge and
Paddington (overleaf). Further afield were Aldenham in Hertfordshire, Combe in Greenwich in Kent, and Feering
and Moulsham in Essex. Exchanges with these manors increased in the years following the Black Death. For a few
years large flocks of sheep travelled to and from Morden (see page 71), but cattle, horses, pigs and even poultry were
exchanged, as well as grain. The movement of sheep to the different manors has already been charted on pages 72-3
and these have been omitted from the charts on the facing page and overleaf because of the large numbers involved.

There was little movement of grain or livestock between Morden and Aldenham, situated on Watling Street, but a
cider-press was delivered from there in 1290/91.55 In 1312 Morden’s new mill came from Aldenham, and the ‘Foreign
receipts’ section that year also records: ‘The same renders account for £4 3s 1d received from the reeve of Aldenham
in that the mill was made there [in quod mol facto ibid] by 1 tally’.56

Unexplained cash came from Battersea in 1295/96,57 and in 1291/92 Richard de Gardino, the serviens of Morden, paid
off some of the arrears still owing from his account when he was serviens at Echelford and Halliford (not charted).58

Normally no charge was made for items obtained from other Westminster manors, other than transport costs. However,
the ‘Foreign receipts’ section of the accounts record the following items received from Battersea towards the expenses of
collecting the tithes of corn at harvest in 1352 and 1353: ‘for 7s in 4 salted fish 4s and half-hundred mackerel 3s received
from Robert Broun serviens of Battersea by 1 tally’ the first year ‘and for 5s 4d received from the same Robert Broun
in 4 salted fish and 60 mackerel’ the next.59 These costs are also entered under ‘Expenses of harvest’. Presumably the
reeve of Battersea had purchased the fish on behalf of his counterpart in Morden.

The manor of Battersea remained in demesne into the 15th century, rather than being leased at farm. Barley was
frequently sent there from Morden between 1400 and 1411, when the Morden lessees were paying their farm in grain,
and also to the nearby manor of Allfarthing in Wandsworth.60

Estate managers of Westminster Abbey manors named in Morden accounts

ALDENHAM Richard ate Delle (R) (1352-53)61

ALLFARTHING John Denvee (S) (1403-4)62

BATTERSEA Roger (R) (1302-03);63 G (S) (1307-08);64 Robert (S) (1320-21);65 Saier (S),66 W Wlfrom (R) (1339-40);67
John Godwyne (R) (1340-41);68 John Barat (S) (1346-47);69 Robert Broun (S) (1348-54);70 Robert le Moy (R)
(1355-56);71 John D[r]enke (S) (1400-1406);72 John Chepe (S) (1406-7);73 John Beche (S) (1408-10);74 Robert
Boculver (S) (1411-12)75

ECHELFORD Richard de Gardino (S) (1291);76 William Bord (R) (1348-49);77 John [le] Clerk (S) (1351, 1358)78

FEERING Adam le Clerk (S) (1352-53)79

GREENFORD Robert Blakemor (S) (1345-47);80 John [de] Blakemor (S) (1348-50);81 William ate Shamele (R) (1352-57);82
Adam atte Hatch (B) (1357-58)83

HALLIFORD Richard de Gardino (S) (1291);84 Nicholas de Halliford (?S) (1302-03);85 John Crondone (S) (1352-53)86

HAMPSTEAD R (S) (1307-08)87

HENDON John B[o]unde (R) (1348-56)88

MOULSHAM John Clobbe (S) (1352-53)89

PADDINGTON E de Sklattone (S) (1352-53)90

TEDDINGTON Walter le Notier (R) (1340-41);91 Richard Anelyne (R) (1342-43);92 W Heryng/Haryng/Harage (R) (1348-50);93
William Lorchonn (R) (1351-57)94

(R) = reeve; (S) = serviens; (B) = beadle

Exchanges with other manors belonging to Westminster Abbey

excluding sheep

teddington

greenford

echelford

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

wheat (quarters)

rye (quarters)

pulses (quarters)

oats (quarters)

dredge from rectory

elm boards

cider (casks)

swans

young piglets

calves

bull-calves

heifers

bullocks

steers

cows

bulls

oxen

colts

draught-horses

cart-horses

to greenford

from greenford

to teddington

from teddington

from echelford

to echelford

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

knightsbridge

aldenham

paddington

hampstead

combe

halliford

hendon

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 12-13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

from knightsbridge

from paddington

to knightsbridge

from hampstead

from halliford

from aldenham

to aldenham

to halliford

to paddington

to hampstead

from hendon

from combe

to combe

to hendon

1

1

2

3

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

2

1

1

2

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

3

6

5

4

3

2

1

1

2

3

Surrey History Centre K85/3/31, a 16th-century transcript of the court record of Hilary term 1393/4

copyright Surrey History Centre, reproduced by permission

Surrey

Hilary 17 Richard II [1393/4]

Roll 103 and Roll 107

William archbishop of Canterbury by John Halle his attorney appears on the fourth day against William
Winterworthe of West Morden, John Spige, Thomas Carpenter, John Gildinge, John Atte Ryve, John
Carpenter, Richard Degun, John Gay…., Begeswell Walter atte Hedge, Ralph Edward and Alan Bernger of
East Morden of a plea whereby with force and arms they came upon, found and carried off two hundred
sheep of the archbishop himself worth ten pounds at East Cheam and they came upon, found and carried
off his goods and chattels to the value of 100 shillings at the same place and inflicted other enormities
on him to the grave damage of the archbishop himself and against the king’s peace and they have not
come and the order was given to the sheriff that he attach them etc and the sheriff now reports that they
have nothing etc. Therefore the order is given to the sheriff that he arrest them if etc. And saving etc.
On condition that he has their bodies here within 15 days from Easter day etc. And whereupon etc.

The same is found in Roll 247 as worded above.

[Dorse]

17 Richard II [1393/4]

Trespass in the lord’s common
of Sparofeld made by tenants
of Cheam

Border disputes

Morden’s boundary with Cheam ran through a large expanse of common pasture called Sparrowfeld, intercommoned
by several parishes and estates including Ewell, Cuddington, Malden, Cheam and Morden, and was subject to
many disputes. Cheam was divided into two estates held by the archbishop of Canterbury and Christchurch Priory,
Canterbury, respectively. In 1393/4 the archbishop prosecuted some Morden tenants for carrying off 200 of his sheep.95
In 1396 a group of Cheam tenants were prosecuted for seizing and detaining cattle belonging to Morden, and some
of the same men were prosecuted the following year for a violent assault on one of the abbot’s servants in 1393.96 This
had probably prompted the perambulation of the parish boundary by the bailiff and steward of Westminster Abbey
and the archbishop’s steward, recorded in the Morden account rolls for 1392/93.97 During a perambulation c.1415
some Cheam tenants attacked a procession of Morden tenants, stealing their cross and banners, and keeping them
for a year. They were returned following a request from the archbishop, but the Cheam men appeared at Morden
church and ordered them not to make any more processions, and at the same time carried off all the tenants’ animals
from their demesne.98 In 1530 an agreement was reached between the archbishop and Westminster Abbey ‘for and
concernyng the communyng, pasturyng, grasing, and fedyng of the Rother Bestis called catell of the said tenantes of
the said lordshyppe of Morden and for the fellynge of furcys and busshes for fyrewood and busshes for their heggeyng
and other necessaryes in uppon the comen of Sparfeld’.99 Morden came into royal ownership in 1539/40 and in 1553
an appeal was made to the king by several tenants of Morden because tenants of Cheam had again driven away their
cattle and beasts.100 The plan or ‘plott’ below was the second of two produced to settle the disputed boundaries.101 The
matter does not seem to have been settled, however, as the extant Morden manorial records include various 16th-
century transcripts of earlier disputes, collected by the new lord of the manor after 1554.102

Morden and Sparrowfeld in 1553 (note North is at the right of the map)

reduced from a drawing by John Pile from a ‘plott’ or plan in The National Archives MPB 1/25/2

Foreign receipts and expenses

Both manor and rectory accounts occasionally record income from outside the estate, described as ‘Foreign receipts’
[Recepte forinsece]. This covered items such as cash handed over by previous estate managers,103 or unexplained
payments from the monk-bailiff104 or the abbey treasurer – a separate itemised account is referred to, but has not
survived.105 In 1308 66s was ‘received from brother P de Sotton for buying [emendum] oats by 1 tally’ – a total of £4 11s
was spent on buying oats this year, of which 18s was spent by brother Philip, the monk-bailiff.106 The rectory accounts
sometimes record advance payments from the monk-bailiff ‘for harvest expenses’ and towards repair of the chancel,
which would then be repaid out of tithe income.107 Two of these rectory accounts record the receipt of salted fish and
mackerel from the serviens of Battersea for harvest expenses, at 7s in 1352 and 5s 4d in 1353 (see page 157). The cost
is also entered under ‘Harvest expenses’.108 Similar entries can be found in manor accounts, such as a sum of 13s 4d
received from the reeve of Battersea in 1295/96, which seems to match the 2 quarters of rye he supplied to Morden,
entered under ‘Issues of the grange’.109 The largest was the sum of £4 3s 1d ‘received from the reeve of Aldenham in that
the mill was made there [in quod mol facto ibid] by 1 tally’. Carpenters’ and sawyers’ wages at Aldenham totalled £4 8s
5d, ‘by the hand of the reeve of Aldenham’, and a further 25s 4d in expenses of transporting the mill from Aldenham
as far as Battersea (see page 15).110 Thus it seems that items paid for by officials of other manors were entered under
both income and expenditure so that their value was recorded. Probably no cash was received or paid out, but the
double entry ensured that the books balanced. No costs are mentioned for other items transferred between manors.

Another frequent entry is the balance transferred from rectory accounts, though these are more often added at the end
of the cash account on the recto of the manor roll.111 Excess rectory expenditure sometimes appears under ‘Foreign
expenses’.112 In 1303/04, two years after the appropriation of the rectory, chancel repairs were entered here in the manor
account, presumably before the rectory accounts started.113 However, the reference in 1294/95 to ’63s 8d for the tenths
of the customary tenants’ [decime custumariorum], does not refer to tithes, as the rectory had not yet been appropriated,
but to taxation tenths collected from customary tenants to be forwarded to the tax collectors. A subsidy of a tenth was
granted to Edward I in 1294 (see page 185).114 Expenses of tax assessors regularly appear under ‘Foreign expenses’.115

‘Foreign expenses’ [expense forinsece] covered a variety of expenditure that was not directly concerned with the estate.
Until 1290/91 these expenses had no separate heading,116 and then for a while it included the expenses of the bailiff
and other official visitors.117 Remission for unpaid common fine was entered here twice (see page 141).118 This section
frequently included the cost of taking grain, livestock and produce to the abbey and to other manors, especially for
ferrying across the Thames,119 and of transporting items to Morden from elsewhere,120 as well as various odd costs
incurred by estate managers and farmers outside the estate, both for the manor and the rectory, and also gratuities
and other payments to officials on behalf of the abbey.121 The most regular entry was for expenses of royal purveyors
and payments (bribes?) to persuade them to leave the manor (see page 187).122

Foreign Expenses

Also in expenses of purveyors of the queen with cash given to the same for not taking the lord’s
oats in the month of January 2s. In 260 large eggs bought and delivered as far as Westminster
15d, viz for 20 eggs 1d.* For want of cash received for 4 quarters 6 bushels wheat taken for
the use of the queen by Reginald Forester sheriff of Surrey and 6 quarters oats taken by Ralph
Broun purveyor of the lord king, as shown in the last account, rendering 3s 6d, viz for wheat 2s
6d and for oats 12d.

Sum 3s 3d.

* 260/20=13d not the 15d given here in the accounts.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

175

CRISIS MANAGEMENT

winter warm

winter windy

winter black

winter normal

summer turbulent

summer wet

summer dry

summer stormy

summer good

autumn good

autumn moderate

autumn moist

autumn dry

autumn good

corn good

corn variable

corn good

wheat dear

corn good

livestock dying

livestock diseased

young men dying

young men & wives dying

old men dying

Images relating to the weather, the harvest, and disease among livestock and humans

based on symbols in a 14th-century astrological almanac in the Bodleian Library, Oxford MS Rawl.D.939

176 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

The quality of the harvest

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL 4

SAL3,5

SAL6/7

27306-7

SAL13/10/12

SAL14-15

27308

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324-5

27326

27327-29

27331-32

27333-4

27335-6

27337-8

27339-40

No account survives for Jan-Sept this year

11s

10s

9s

8s

7s

6s

5s

4s

3s

2s

1s

600%

500%

400%

300%

200%

100%

prices:

G

G

VG

G

G

G

G

G
glut

S
glut

P
dearth

P
dearth

M

P

P
famine

AP
famine

VP
dearth

P

P

M

M

M

M

P

M

N

M

M

N

P

M

M

P

P

AP
famine

AP
famine

AP
famine

P
famine

VP
famine


famine

VP
famine

P

M

M

M

G

VG

VG

N

S

VG

The St Albans chroniclers’ descriptions of the harvests (from Hallam):

percentage yields:

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

weeks of harvest:

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

prices:

percentage yields:

Chroniclers’ categories:

S: superabundant

VG: very good

G: good

N: normal

M: mediocre

P: poor

VP: very poor

AP: abysmally poor

(from AgHR 32.2 (1984) pages 127-8)

wheat bought

curall bought

mixstillio bought

rye bought

barley bought

beans bought

peas bought

white peas bought

vetches bought

pulses bought

oats bought

wheat

rye / mixstillio

barley

dredge

oats

pulses

wheat sold

curall sold

mixstillio sold

rye sold

barley sold

dredge sold

beans sold

peas sold

pulses sold

oats sold

crisis management 177

Famine

W G Hoskins wrote of the 16th century that ‘The annual harvest was the perennial subject of conversation in town
and country, from the landowner down to the cottager. In a country in which between one-half and two-thirds of the
population were wage-earners, and a considerable proportion of the remainder subsistence farmers; in which about
one-third of the population lived below the poverty line and another third lived on or barely upon it; in which the
working-class spent fully 80 to 90 per cent of their incomes upon food and drink; in such a country the harvest was
the fundamental fact of economic life’.1

Arable productivity in medieval Morden was low, even by the standards of the time. The agricultural treatise of Walter
of Henley pointed out that if the grain did not yield three times as much as the seed, the farmer gained nothing unless
the corn bore a good price.2 Wheat yields in Morden seldom exceeded 400% and sometimes fell below 200% (see
chart on facing page and pages 34-37). The 680% yield in 1335 was exceptional. Rye yields were normally between
300% and 600%, but could drop to 200% or less. Barley and dredge yields ranged between 200% and 500%. Oat yields
seldom exceeded 300% and in 1346 failed to break even. Yields for the various pulses ranged from 100% to 600%.

The worst harvest recorded in the Morden accounts was in 1346, following heavy rain and flooding which had prevented
carts delivering a new millstone to the mill between October 1345 and February 1346.3 Rye and oats produced less
than had been sown, and wheat yields only reached 143%. Dredge and pulses only reached 258%, but barley, which is
less affected by rain, reached 468%.4 This is the only occasion when rain was recorded in the extant rolls, but there are
other occasional references to the weather, as in the ‘Oats’ account for 1341/42, which explain that carthorses received
fodder from September to April ‘except for 21 nights while the frost and snow persisted in which nothing taken’.5
A ‘great drought’ [siccitas] was mentioned in 1303/04 and 1304/05 and again in 1335/36.6 The hardness or dryness
[duricia] of the ground was recorded in 1317/18, as it was considered to have affected the value of the pasture and to
have made ploughing more difficult,7 and in 1339/40 ‘it was not possible to mow on account of the dryness of the time’.8
The poor quality of the grass was also mentioned in 1341/42: ‘for mowing meadow in Berworth and Neweburigardin
nothing this year because pastured by the lord’s animals and it was not possible to mow because poor [debilitas]’.9
Presumably it was used as pasture because it was not good enough to mow, rather than vice versa. The same word was
used to explain why some crops were not suitable for harvesting, as in 1331 and 1350 when 17½ acres oats and 8½
acres dredge respectively ‘were not reaped because poor’; in 1331 reference was also made to the ‘thinness [tenuitatis]
of corn’ and in 1351 no wage or livery was paid to a reap-reeve ‘because they had none for shortage [paucitatis] of
corn’.10 Another word frequently used to describe shortages of all kinds is ‘dearth’ or ‘dearness’ [caristia]. It is used of
fish, meat, ale, iron, even customary labour,11 and in 1321/22 of the ‘issue of the mill’.12 That year the auditors of the
rectory account explained the large sum of 30 shillings in expenses of food for the 5 men gathering in the tithe corn
during the 6 weeks of harvest with the comment: ‘this year because of dearth and long harvest’.13

The length of the harvest is one of the criteria used by H E Hallam to test the descriptions of the harvests found
in contemporary chronicles,14 on the principle that the more abundant the crop, the longer it takes to harvest. The
length of the harvest has been charted on the facing page, based on the period the reap-reeve received payment (see
page 123). The chroniclers’ descriptions have also been charted, alongside the declared yields and the prices of the
various grains, which are Hallam’s other criteria. (After 1283 the accounting year normally ran from Michaelmas to
Michaelmas (see page 192) so the yields and prices charted relate to the harvest recorded in the previous year’s account.
The ‘weeks of harvest’ chart has therefore been offset between accounting years.) The shortest harvest recorded was in
1325, when the reap-reeve and stacker only received food expenses for 3 weeks in harvest, though they still received
the normal 3 shillings in wages.15 However, the rectory account shows that those involved in gathering the corn tithe
received expenses for 4 weeks. The manor account for the following year is not extant, so the yields and prices cannot
be determined. Similarly the length of the harvest of 1335, with its record wheat yield, is not known, but there is no
obvious correlation between yields and the length of the harvest in other years.

No accounts survive from the years of the ‘Great Famine’ of 1315-17, but the accounts for the next few years show
wheat prices rising to the highest level. The high prices following the harvests of 1294 and 1295 fit the chroniclers’
description of famine and dearth respectively, and the low prices following the harvest of 1287 certainly match their
description of a glut, but on the whole prices seem to differ little between years described as ‘poor’ and ‘very good’.
This may reflect regional variations, as Hallam’s chroniclers were writing at St Albans.

Westminster Abbey was less affected by grain shortages than many of its tenants, as its estate managers were able
to purchase whatever was needed to meet shortfalls. Thus in 1346/47 quantities of wheat, rye, barley and oats were
bought, much of it for seed, and more than 30 quarters of wheat were purchased over the two-year period 1349-51.16

The account rolls reveal a variety of approaches to the problem of low yields, including continued use of manure and
marl (see page 113), a greater use of legumes (see page 47), the purchase of fresh seed from outside the manor (see
page 35), the sowing of seed at an increased density (see page 37) combined with the contraction of the acreage under
seed (see pages 32-3, 36-7), and finally the permanent leasing of the whole demesne at farm (see pages 133-146).

The incidence of murrain

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

100

99

98

97

96

95

94

93

92

91

90

89

88

87

86

85

84

83

82

81

80

79

78

77

76

75

74

73

72

71

70

69

68

67

66

65

64

63

62

61

60

59

58

57

56

55

54

53

52

51

50

49

48

47

46

45

44

43

42

41

40

39

38

37

36

35

34

33

32

31

30

29

28

27

26

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

148 lambs

101 lambs

carthorses

mares

stotts

female colts

oxen

bulls

cows

young heifers

yearling calves

calves

rams

wethers

ewes

hogget sheep

gimmers

yearling lambs

lambs

pigs

sows

hogget pigs

piglets

young piglets

swans

geese

capons

hens

ducks

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

Murrain

‘Murrain’ [morina] is the normal term used in the account rolls for any kind of livestock disease, though occasionally
a more specific name is used. Thus there are references to the successful treatment of draught horses suffering from
malum linguae, usually translated as ‘foot and mouth disease’ – a disease not contracted by horses (see page 59),17 and
to the slaughter of an ox ‘because it was sick and having falling disease [morbum caducum]’ (see page 61).18

Morden’s experiment with large-scale sheep farming in the decade after the Black Death had a disappointing start,
with a ‘very great murrain’ between October 1349 and January 1350 to which 27% of the flock fell victim.19 In 1353/54
half the yearling lambs and a quarter of the lambs of issue died,20 and similar proportions of each died in 1355/56, as
well as a quarter of the ewes.21 In 1356/57 18% of the lambs of issue succumbed to murrain.22 But murrain was not
just a symptom of the large flocks of the mid-14th century. In the earliest of the extant accounts, for 1280/81, 11 of
the 13 yearling lambs and 4 of the 13 lambs of issue were struck down.23 In 1292 all 5 hogget sheep died and 2 of the
9 lambs of issue,24 and the following year 4 of the 15 ewes and half the yearling lambs perished.25 In 1302/03 a third of
the 81 wethers died,26 while in 1344/45 the reeve claimed that 30 of the 33 yearling lambs had succumbed to murrain,
as well as 5 wethers and 2 ewes, though the auditors only accepted the lambs, as the others were ‘not witnessed’.27

Although the size of flocks means that sheep dominate the chart on the facing page (and in 1353/54 and 1355/56 go
off the top of the chart), murrain frequently had a devastating effect on other livestock on the manor. The worst year
in Morden, and far beyond, was 1319/20 when half the oxen, all the cows, the only heifer and 1 of the 3 bullocks were
struck down,28 but 1352/53 saw the death of 2 carthorses, 4 oxen, 3 cows, 1 piglet, 3 sheep and 46 lambs.29

In 1287/88 the sow died, but 1 yearling pig was female and took her place.30 In 1308, however, an attempt to restock
the manor with a sow and 8 piglets from Battersea was thwarted when the sow was ‘accounted in murrain immediately
after receipt’ and one of the piglets also died.31 Thereafter, no pigs are mentioned in the extant accounts until 1334/35.

Poultry deaths were recorded in early account rolls – in 1287/88 4 geese died32 – but after 1304/05 there is only one
reference, when 2 geese succumbed to murrain in 1324/25.33 However a couple of accounts mention a goose slaughtered
by a fox,34 and there is also a reference to a duck being slaughtered by oxen in the byre, possibly by trampling.35 An
entry in 1330/31 appears to state that 2 chickens were killed, but the reading is not certain (see extract below).36

Although surviving animals acquired immunity, the lurking infection was likely to continue to kill many of their
offspring.37 So murrain sometimes brought changes to the pattern of livestock rearing on the manor. The apparent
abandonment of pig farming in 1308 is just one example. In 1294/95 the surviving flock of sheep was sold following
3 years in which a number of sheep had died.38 Again in 1303/04 sheep farming seems to have been abandoned for
some 35 years, after at least 2 years of murrain.39 When murrain killed 9 oxen in 1319/20, and weakened another 4 so
that they had to be sold, they were not replaced straight away. It was 2 years before the team reached 8 oxen, which
was only half the number in previous years. Instead 4 draught horses had been purchased (see page 57).40

The death of livestock was not the end of their economic usefulness. The hides of dead horses and cattle were either
sold or white-tawed and used on the manor (see page 69). Sheepskins were also of value, especially if the animal died
before shearing (see page 75), but there is no record of pigskins being used. The meat of diseased oxen was often eaten,
and sometimes that of cows (see page 61), but horsemeat was not eaten. Demand for fodder fell in years immediately
following severe murrains, leading to the sale of unwanted couch-grass [quiches] in 1303/04 and 1320/21.41

The same answers for 1 cock and 12 hens from the remaining. And for 10 from rent.

Sum 23.

Of which delivered to brother Simon de Byrchston cellarer 10 by 1 tally. Also in delivery to
Arnold Gotelyn for saving the lord’s goods 2. Of those killed [?] 2.

Sum 14. And there remain 1 cock and 12 hens.[!]

The same answers for 14 chickens of purchase. And accounted in making capons as above 12.
Also with these [?] 2. And it balances.

Cocks and
hens

Chickens

Extract from WAM 27312, the account roll for Michaelmas 1330 to Michaelmas 1331

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Document enclosed with WAM 27322, the account roll for Michaelmas 1348 to Michaelmas 1349

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Morden: Tenements in the lord’s hand, 23rd year.

John Huberd, who held of the lord 20 acres villein land
which had been formerly J Mankernays,* died in the month
of April, for which there are arrears relating to the said
land, thereafter in the lord’s hand, viz for 20 manual works,
price of a work ½d, 10d. Also for 8 harvest works, price of
a work 1½d, 12d. Also for 3 harvest boonworks with the
lord’s food 3d. Also for 2 dry harvest boonworks 2d. Also
for rent for Easter term 6d and the Nativity of St John the Baptist 12d. Also
for medsilver 1d. Also for one hurdle of rent ½d.

Sum 3s 4½d. 2s 10½d, no more because Easter term rent not allowed.

And there was harvested for the lord’s use of his corn 4
acres 3 roods wheat and dredge mixed and 1 rood oats. And
there was mown 1½ acres meadow.

Walter ate Cherche, who held of the lord 1 messuage and 10

acres villein land, for which there are as many arrears as

for Mankerneys tenement, except that he only owed 9d for
the said 2 terms.

Sum 3s 1½d. 2s 9d §

And there was harvested of his corn 2 acres wheat.

William Jose, who held as much as Mankernays tenement
contains, for which there are as many arrears as for the said
Mankernays tenement.

Sum 3s 4½d. 2s 10½d

And there was mown of his meadow ½ acre.

John Adam, who held as much as the aforesaid William
Jose and is as much in arrears.

Sum 3s 4½d. 2s 10½d

And there was harvested of his corn ½ acre wheat. And
there was mown of his meadow 1 acre.

Henry ate Rythe, who held of the lord as much as the
others, for which there are as many arrears, except that he
only owed 6d for the said 2 terms.

Sum 2s 10½d. 2s 7½d $

Thomas de Northwich, who held of the lord 1 messuage
and 20 acres villein land for which he was in arrears 6
boonworks with the lord’s food 6d. Also rent at the said 2 1
terms 12d. 6d and rent for the said Nativity of St John And he does not owe
a hurdle for rent.

Sum 18d.12d

And there was harvested of his corn 2 acres wheat.

Sum total of cash 17s 7½d. 15s

Sum of acres wheat and oats 9½.

Sum of acres meadow 3 acres meadow.

* WAM 27323 states that the tenement was formerly held by William Mankernays.
It describes the holding as 1½ virgates, normally 30 acres. William Jose and John
Adam each held 1 virgate, and Walter ate Cherche and Henry ate Rithe held ½
virgates.

§ As only one term’s rent was outstanding, the total has been reduced by 4½d.

$ As only one term’s rent was outstanding, the total has been reduced by 3d.

Plague

The Black Death began in Mongolia in the 1320s and spread rapidly eastward and westward. It had reached Europe
by October 1347 and the west of England by June 1348.42 No community was immune. At Westminster Abbey 26
monks died in early summer 1349 – around half of the convent. The abbot died on 15 May 1349 at his manor of
Hampstead near Hendon, perhaps having moved from Westminster in an attempt to escape the plague.43

The plague reached Morden just before Easter 1349, which was 12 April. The maslin account records: ‘In livery of 2
ploughmen from Michaelmas until 10 April for 27 weeks 4 days, 5 quarters 4 bushels to each of them a quarter for 10
weeks. And at that time they died’.44

At least 18 tenants are named as dead in the accounts, because they owed heriots (see overleaf) or because they had
no heirs to take over their tenements, 6 of which accordingly came into the lord’s hand (see facing page). Of the 15
customary virgate and half-virgate tenements, 12 heads of household died, and another died 5 years later. John
Huberd45 and William Kypingh46 appear twice among the heriots. Was that because they held two properties or
because there were two tenants of that name, perhaps father and son? There is also mention of sheep ‘of the legacy
[ex legato] of Roger de Lynton’, presumably another plague victim, though we cannot be certain that all deaths that
year were due to plague.

Demand of heriot at such a time may seem heartless. We hear nothing of assistance to widows and orphans. But the
extant records are solely concerned with the economy of the manor, so they merely record the bare facts and their
financial impact. The impression is given of an attempt to resume ‘business as usual’, although it wasn’t entirely successful.
Thus there is a new ‘Expenses’ entry for ‘Cash not able to be levied’, referring to the schedule reproduced opposite:

‘Also in default of works from various tenements and also rents, being in the lord’s hand and their corn and hay in the lord’s
barn because of the pestilence as appears item by item 17s 6½d 15s, no more because rent for Easter term not allowed. Sum 15s.’

Crops growing on the lands of deceased tenants were reaped for the lord’s benefit in order to recover unpaid rents
from the tenements in hand, and labour services and other dues unable to be levied ‘for lack of tenants’ were ‘sold’
(presumably charged to the widows and orphans unable to undertake the work), and the money thus raised used to
employ labourers. Haymaking still had to be done and the harvest gathered from the demesne fields.

One immediate consequence of the shortage of customary labour was that survivors could demand more pay for
piecework. Thus at haymaking the serviens claimed that he had paid 1 shilling an acre – ‘so much because of scarcity
of labourers’ – though the auditors only reimbursed him at 10d an acre. In 1347 the rate was 6d an acre. At harvest 83
acres were reaped by piecework, against 47½ acres in 1347, the rate doubling from 6d to a shilling an acre, again with
the comment ‘so much this year because of scarcity of labourers’. A further 9½ acres of wheat were reaped and bound
‘arising from villein land being in the lord’s hand’, at 8d per acre, as well as 2 acres of barley and 5 acres of dredge.
Only 75 acres were reaped by labour services and boonworks, compared to 135½ acres in 1347. Threshing rates also
doubled in 1349 and 1350, dropping slightly the following years (see page 129). National legislation to control wage
rates was of only limited success. The household servants were given a one-off ‘reward’ of 2 bushels each ‘by way of
gratuity’ [curialiter], in addition to their normal rations of maslin, ‘this year because of the great pestilence’ (see page
99). Every effort was made to prevent workers from finding better pay and conditions elsewhere.

As wage rates rose, livestock prices fell (see pages 84-5). Demand was less with a lower population, and the supply of
livestock increased with the influx of heriots. Most heriots were added to the manor stock or sent to other Westminster
manors. A few were sold, perhaps being of poorer quality, though 4 dry cows were sent to Greenford, not sold locally.
Perhaps these sales referred to repurchase by heirs, as may be the case of Adam Hobekok, whose heriot was described as
a ‘half-heifer’ – presumably a cash equivalent – though another possibility is that the vicar was entitled to the other half.

The dairy had been leased at farm for some years, but was taken under the direct control of the manor staff this year
and run ‘for the lord’s profit’, though it was farmed out again the following year (see page 67). In October 1349 175
sheep arrived from Teddington, but murrain accounted for 48, another 51 were sold and the rest were returned to
Teddington in January 1350. But the experiment continued, with 172 lambs coming from Battersea in June 1350, and
sheep rearing, and later sheep breeding, was a feature of Morden’s economy for at least a decade (see page 71). Finally
it was decided to lease the whole demesne to a tenant farmer from Easter 1359 (see pages 133-146).

A major concern was for the continued cultivation of tenant land that had come into the lord’s hand, and for rents and
labour services arising therefrom. The ideal solution would have been to find new tenants to take the land under the
old arrangements, but this did not prove possible. In fact more tenements came into the lord’s hand as the years passed,
probably because heirs had perished in the Black Death or later outbreaks of plague. From 1353/54 some holdings
were leased at farm for a fixed period of up to 20 years, or sometimes for a single life or for three lives, though at first
only a few acres could be leased out.47 It was almost a century before the abbey realised there would be no return to
the old system, and new forms of customary tenure were introduced – called ‘New Rent’ – without the burden of
labour services.48 These became the heritable copyhold tenancies first hinted at in 1385.49

Heriots recorded in the manorial accounts and court rolls

BL56046 3r

BL56046 1r

—————

—————

—————

—————

BL56045 7v

BL56045 6v

BL56045 5v

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

BL56043 8r

BL56043 13v

BL56043 18r,22r

—————

—————

BL56042 25r

1537-38

1536-37

1535-36

1534-35

1533-34

1532-33

1531-32

1530-31

1529-30

1528-29

1527-28

1526-27

1525-26

1524-25

1523-24

1522-23

1521-22

1520-21

1519-20

1518-19

1517-18

1516-17

1515-16

1514-15

1513-14

1512-13

1511-12

1510-11

1509-10

1508-09

1507-08

1506-07

1505-06

1504-05

1503-04

1502-03

1501-02

1500-01

1499-00

1498-99

1497-98

1496-97

1495-96

1494-95

1493-94

1492-93

1491-92

1490-91

1489-90

1488-89

1487-88

1486-87

1485-86

1484-85

1483-84

1482-83

1481-82

1480-81

1479-80

1478-79

1477-78

1476-77

1475-76

1474-75

1473-74

1472-73

1471-72

1470-71

1469-70

1468-69

1467-68

1466-67

1465-66

1464-65

1463-64

1462-63

1461-62

1460-61

1459-60

1458-59

1457-58

1358-59

1357-58

1356-57

1355-56

1354-55

1353-54

1352-53

1351-52

1350-51

1349-50

1348-49

1347-48

1346-47

1345-46

1344-45

1343-44

1342-43

1341-42

1340-41

1339-40

1338-39

1337-38

1336-37

1335-36

1334-35

1333-34

1332-33

1331-32

1330-31

1329-30

1328-29

1327-28

1326-27

1325-26

1324-25

1323-24

1322-23

1321-22

1320-21

1319-20

1318-19

1317-18

1316-17

1315-16

1314-15

1313-14

1312-13

1311-12

1310-11

1309-10

1308-09

1307-08

1306-07

1305-06

1304-05

1303-04

1302-03

1301-02

1300-01

1299-00

1298-99

1297-98

1296-97

1295-96

1294-95

1293-94

1292-93

1291-92

1290-91

1289-90

1288-89

1287-88

1286-87

1285-86

1284-85

1283-84

1282-83

1281-82

1280-81

27339

27337

27335

27333

27331

27327/29

27326

27324

27323

27322

27321

27319

27318

27317

27316

27315

27314

27313

BOD

27312

27311

27310

SAL15

SAL 13/10

27306

SAL6/7

SAL3

SAL2

27305

27304

27303

SAL1

27301-02

27300

27298-99

27297

27295

27294

27293

27292

27290-91

27289

27287-88

27284-85

27283

27282

1456-57

1455-56

1454-55

1453-54

1452-53

1451-52

1450-51

1449-50

1448-49

1447-48

1446-47

1445-46

1444-45

1443-44

1442-43

1441-42

1440-41

1439-40

1438-39

1437-38

1436-37

1435-36

1434-35

1433-34

1432-33

1431-32

1430-31

1429-30

1428-29

1427-28

1426-27

1425-26

1424-25

1423-24

1422-23

1421-22

1420-21

1419-20

1418-19

1417-18

1416-17

1415-16

1414-15

1413-14

1412-13

1411-12

1410-11

1409-10

1408-09

1407-08

1406-07

1405-06

1404-05

1403-04

1402-03

1401-02

1400-01

1399-00

1398-99

1397-98

1396-97

1395-96

1394-95

1393-94

1392-93

1391-92

1390-91

1389-90

1388-89

1387-88

1386-87

1385-86

1384-85

1383-84

1382-83

1381-82

1380-81

1379-80

1378-79

BL56042 24r

BL56042 17r

BL56042 16r

BL56042 4r

BL56042 8r

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

—————

BL56041 10r

BL56041 8r

BL56041 5v

BL56041 12r

BL56040 14v

BL56040 13r

BL56040 11r

BL56040 4v

BL56040 3r-v

BL56040 1v-2r

BL56039 13v

BL56039 11r, 13v

BL56039 9r

BL56039 1r-v

BL56038 13r

BL56038 10r

BL56038 5v

BL56038 1r

horses

oxen

cows

bullocks

steers

young heifers (½)

yearling calves

ewes

wethers

bronze cooking pot

shillings

no heriot – no animals

no heriot – joint tenure

————— no rolls extant

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

1

2

3

4

1

2

3

4

5

Death

It was the sheer scale of the Black Death that caused such social and economic upheaval. Some families were wiped
out, others drastically reduced in number. But, as Benjamin Franklin famously observed, ‘death and taxes’ are the two
certainties of life (see overleaf for taxes).50 The death of a tenant was, in fact, a source of income for manorial lords, as
long as there was an heir to inherit.

First, the lord was entitled to ‘heriot’ – the best animal belonging to the deceased tenant. Heriot was due on the death
of any customary tenant, however large or small the holding, but it could also be claimed when a customary tenement
was surrendered to the use of a new tenant. Occasionally it is suggested that some freeholders owed heriot, but no
examples have been found of heriot being claimed for a freehold property. In later years the court rolls often record
that ‘nothing falls due to the lord for heriot because [s]he had no animals’.51 This statement does not necessarily imply
poverty, as non-resident tenants were exempt from this payment, the livestock on their tenement belonging to their
sub-tenants. This was clearly spelt out in 1492 – ‘because he died outside the lordship and had no animals within the
lordship’.52 A better indicator of poverty is the type of animal claimed as heriot, particularly Adam Hobekok’s half-heifer
mentioned on page 181. On one occasion in 1380 no heriot was claimed because the deceased, Matilda Popsent, was
described as ‘poor’.53 The left hand chart opposite shows those heriots recorded in extant account rolls, the other two
those in court rolls. Heriots arising from surrender of customary holdings have been omitted here.

The court rolls also reveal the second source of income arising from the death of a tenant – the entry fine or relief. Any
new customary tenant, by surrender or by inheritance, had ‘to make the lord a fine for entry into the lord’s fee and
to do the lord fealty’,54 and purchasers and heirs of free tenements made a similar payment called ‘relief’. Reliefs were
always equal to one year’s rent, which stayed unchanged for centuries,55 but entry fines were set at the discretion of the
lord of the manor and his steward. For most of our period, entry fines were lower than annual rents, except for new
allotments of land, but by the 1530s they reached two or three times the annual rent for some substantial holdings.56

Marginal notes in the court rolls explain that entry fines were often ‘respited’, but whether this refers to a temporary
postponement of payment or a permanent waiver is not clear. When minors inherited, the entry fines were usually
paid by a guardian appointed or approved by the manorial court, but the act of fealty was postponed until the heir
had come of age.

Such references in the court rolls allow the occasional glimpse into life expectancy in the period. Some of these
minors died before reaching their majority, and many women were widowed more than once. At the other extreme
is the age of the witnesses examined in August 1591 in the case of Medcalfe versus Garthe with regard to the right to
tithe corn (see page 155).57 The long memories of the oldest inhabitants formed an important part of the evidence.
The witnesses included John Palmer aged 74, Roger Tomson aged 76, Richard Mathew aged 80, Robert Smith also
aged 80, Henry Farmer aged 87, Thomas Fraye aged 90, and Richard Redworth clerk aged 96. Although the court
case itself was long after the close of the ‘Middle Ages’, the witnesses themselves had lived through the closing years
of the period covered in this study.

The last lease of the manor, to William Porter in 1511, included all the abbey’s rights in the manor and rectory of
Morden (see pages 138-9). This included ‘view of frankpledge or leet at the same place, together with Court Baron,
the perquisites and profits of them, and also together with chattels of felons, fugitives, condemned persons, outlaws
and suicides, as often as they happen to occur during the term written below’.58

Thus a thief’s heifer was sold in 1281/82.59 Another felon was John Schutte, who was hanged, and his tenement, goods
and chattels forfeited into the lord’s hand. The account rolls for 1306/07 lists the expenses of harvesting his crops:

‘In reaping 4 acres wheat, ½ acre rye, ½ acre barley, 2½ acres peas and vetches, 3½ acres oats of the tenement
which was John Schutte’s by piece-work 3s 7d, price of each of 10 acres 4d, price of ½ acre barley 3d’.60

His livestock – 1 mare, 1 ox, 3 cows – were itemised among the manor’s livestock, and his chattels were listed at the
end of the inventory at the foot of the account roll (the table on page 24 does not include these extra items):

‘Also 1 brass pot, 1 vat, 2 barrels, 1 chest, 1 ploughshare, 1 coulter, 1 plough with all other apparatus, 1 bushel
[measure] of wood, 1 mortar and 1 small table, of the chattels of John Schutte hanged’.

The next roll, which only covered September 1307 to January 1308, accounts for the threshing of the crops from his
tenement – 6 bushels wheat, ½ quarter curall, 6 bushels rye, 6 bushels barley, 2 quarters 7 bushels peas, and 3 quarters 5
bushels oats. 61 The account roll for the remainder of the year makes no reference to him or his former possessions, and
the accounts for the following two years are not extant, but the account roll for 1310/11 still mentions the unthreshed
crops from his land – ½ quarter wheat, 3 quarters drank’/drauk (a weed found among cereal plants, possibly darnel,
cockle or wild oats), ½ quarter peas and 4½ quarters oats, ‘received of the goods of John Schutte fugitive’ – and the
inventory at the foot of the roll includes:

‘Likewise there remain of the chattels of John Schutte, hanged, 1 brass pot, 1 vat, 2 barrels, 1 chest, 1 bushel
[measure] of no value, 1 mortar, 1 small table, 2 moulds for making cheese, 2 buckets, 2 ladders’.62

WAM 1882

Acquittance from the Prior and Convent of Merton, deputed by John de Sandale Bishop of Winchester
collectors of the year’s tenth granted by the clergy of the Province of Canterbury to King Edward II for the
defence of the Realm and Church of England, to Reginald de Hadham Prior and the Convent of Westminster
for the second moiety, 2 February 1317/18

Red seal broken (pelican in her piety – legend)

We the prior and convent of the monastery of the blessed Mary of Merton, collectors of the annual tenth for the
lord King Edward, son of King Edward, for the defence of the kingdom and Church in England in the council
of all the clerics of the province of Canterbury at London lately granted, deputed by the venerable father the
lord J. by grace of God bishop of Winchester, in the archdeaconry of Surrey, have received from the men of
religion, the prior and convent of Westminster, £4 8s 2d sterling for the second moiety of the imposed tenth,
namely for the temporalities and spiritualities of the same in Battersea, Wandsworth, Morden and Thames Ditton.
In witness whereof this seal as the deputed collectors is affixed to these presents. Dated at Merton on the day
of the purification of the blessed Mary AD 1317 and in the 11th year of the said King Edward. [= 2 Feb 1318]

WAM 29491

Acquittance from John de Cusancia Prior and the Convent of St Saviour’s Bermundeseye, subcollectors
deputed by John de Stratford Bishop of Winchester of the quadriennial tenth imposed on the clergy of
England by Pope John XXII, to the Prior and Convent of Westminster for the second payment of the first
year of the above tenth, 26 October AD 1330.

Parchment 1 membrane Green seal, fragment, showing headless praying figure

Endorsed: First acquittance and the second is in possession of Frater R de Curtlyngton .

Crease on line 1; dark mark on line 2 of document; remains of green seal.

Be it known to all that we the prior and convent of the church of St Saviour of Bermondsey sub-collectors
of the quadrennial tenth by the lord John XXII, by divine providence pope, lately imposed on the clerics of
England, deputed by the lord bishop of Winchester in the archdeaconry of Surrey, have received from the prior
and convent of Westminster for their temporalities and spiritualities in the manors and churches of Battersea
and Morden and for their temporal goods in Wandsworth, 65s 11½d for the second payment of the first year of
the abovementioned tenth. In witness whereof this our seal, as deputed collectors, is affixed to these presents.
Dated at Bermondsey 26 October AD 1330.

Both reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Taxation

Before the 17th century taxes were demanded only as required to meet the expenses of war. From 1290 laymen were
taxed on their movable wealth rather than on their land, and in 1291 Pope Nicholas IV granted to Edward I a tenth
on the temporalities and spiritualities of religious bodies ‘for the relief of the Holy Land’. The valuation of church
properties undertaken on this occasion was used for all future assessments.63 Acquittances to the prior and convent,
acknowledging payment received by the collectors, survive in Westminster Abbey Muniment Room from March 1292
and February 1293/4 for the tenth of their temporal goods from their manors at Battersea [Batricheseye], Wandsworth
[Wandlesworth] and Morden [Mordone], totalling 72s 7¼d each year.64 The abbey had not yet appropriated the churches.

Morden church was appropriated in 1301 (see page 151), and the following year the convent paid 24s for Morden
church and 8d for the 6s 8d pension paid to the precentor (see pages 89, 149) for the second of a 3-year tenth of all
ecclesiastical rents and incomes imposed by Pope Boniface VIII ‘towards the relief of the Roman church’.65 Other
papal taxes followed: a 3-year tenth in 1311 ‘for the business of the Holy Land’;66 a 6-year tenth, the first instalment
of which the convent belatedly paid in May 1315, for which they received ‘absolution … from the greater sentences of
excommunication and interdict incurred for non-payment of the said tenth at the due times’;67 a 4-year tenth starting
in1330, paid in 2 ‘moieties’ each year (see bottom of facing page);68 and a 1-year tenth in 1362.69

Morden manor, church and pension were usually taxed with the church and manor of Battersea, sometimes with
Wandsworth and Thames Ditton, and occasionally with Pyrford and Horsell, Surrey manors allocated to the abbot.

Breakdown of taxation charges in the 13th and 14th centuries

Further royal taxes were also granted. In February 1317/18 the convent paid £4 8s 2d as the second instalment of ‘the
year’s tenth lately granted in the council of the whole clergy of the province of Canterbury’ (see top of facing page),71
and the same in September 1320 for a tenth ‘imposed by Pope John XXII and granted for one year to Edward II in
relief of urgent expenses for the defence of his realm’.72 A 3-year tenth was granted by the clergy of the province of
Canterbury to Edward III in 1338.73 In January 1395/6 the convent paid 4 shillings for the church of Morden, for a
subsidy at 4d in the pound granted to William Courtenay, archbishop of Canterbury.74

The ‘Foreign expenses’ section of the account roll of 1290/91 records ‘expenses of assessors of a certain tenth for the
use of the lord king’.75 This probably refers to lay subsidy from inhabitants of Morden. The ‘Foreign receipts’ section
for 1294/95 includes ‘The same renders account for 63s 8d for the tenths of the customary tenants’.76 This cannot
refer to church tithes, as the rectory was not yet appropriated, so it must be the tenth granted in 1294 to Edward I,77
collected from the customary tenants for forwarding to the tax collectors. In 1306/07 the ‘Foreign expenses’ section
has the entries: ‘Also given to the 12 assessors of the thirtieth penny for the use of the lord king 2s. Also payment for
the same 15s 6½d ¾d by 1 tally.’78 In 1306 twelve men from each hundred had been appointed, with the assistance of the
reeve and four lawful men of each vill, ‘to make a true valuation of the movable goods possessed by the people on a
specified day’, for tax assessed at a thirtieth in rural areas and at a twentieth in urban districts and ancient demesne of
the Crown.79 However, conventional valuations were often made, all cows, oxen, etc, being assessed at the same value
irrespective of age, health, etc. Agricultural equipment, household goods and goods in the larder were normally exempt.

The ‘Foreign expenses’ section of the accounts for 1327/28 records 1 shilling ‘In expenses of sub-assessors for the 20th
of the lord king’, and that for 1332/33 includes the steward’s expenses ‘For coming to the court held there to assess
tallage for the taxes of the lord king 2s. total geld’.80 In the 1332 taxation 6 named inhabitants of the ‘vill of Morden’ paid
a total of 8s 9d, and a further 11s 5¼d was raised from 9 named ‘villeins of the abbot of Westminster in the vill of
Morden, deducting their rents and services’, levied at one-fifteenth of the value of their personal property.81 As late as
1404/05 the farmer of the demesne successfully claimed 2s 2d for ‘one writ purchased to discharge the manor at the
same place for a certain subsidy granted to the lord king by view of the bailiff’.82

The taxations of Edward I, II and III were to finance wars against France, Wales and Scotland. The only direct reference
in the manorial accounts is in 1321/22, under the heading ‘Cash deliveries’ [Liberacio denariorum]: ‘Also paid in
helping the lord king against Scotland by 1 footman provided for the manor of Morden 20s by order of the bailiff’.83
The manorial court rolls also have occasional entries to suitors of court who are absent ‘because in the king’s service’.84

valuation annual tenth half-yearly payment

spiritualities

Morden church £12 0 0 £1 4 0 12 0

Pension from Morden church 6 8 8 4

Wandsworth church £20 0 0 £2 0 0 £1 0 0

Battersea church £17 13 4 £1 15 4 17 8

temporalities

Morden manor £4 3 4 8 4 4 2

Battersea manor £15 0 0 £1 10 0 15 0

Wandsworth manor £17 2 8½ £1 14 3¼ 17 1½

Thames Ditton70 £1 15 7½ 3 8¾ 1 10½

£88 1 8 £8 16 4 £4 8 2

Goods taken or bought by royal purveyors

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27399

25

24

23

22

21

20

19

18

17

16

15

14

13

12

11

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

income from sales to royal purveyors (in shillings)

items sold to or taken by royal purveyors

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1312-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

cash received

straw (shillings)

capons

cash given or spent

hay (cartloads)

calves

wheat (quarters)

geese

carts commandeered

dredge (quarters)

ducklings

ash trees felled

oats (quarters)

chickens

sawing (shillings)

Purveyors

Purveyor [provisor] was the general term for a royal official responsible for supplying the royal households with food.
From 1305/06 the Morden accounts have frequent references to purveyors or their men visiting the manor to buy, or
otherwise obtain, supplies for members of the royal family travelling through or staying in the area, especially during
visits to Merton Priory. Thus in October 1341 2 quarters of wheat and 4¾ quarters of oats were ‘sold to the lord king at
Merton’ and a further 10 quarters of oats were sold ‘as if taken’ to the king’s purveyor ‘for his warhorse at Merton’.85 In
addition ‘expenses of various purveyors and men of the lord king, queen and duke of Cornwall86 coming to the same
place and tarrying for a while in the month of October while the king’s household sojourned at Merton’ amounted
to 3s 4d. The king’s comptroller’s 3 horses required 4 bushels of oats during his 7-day visit in October. The 4 horses
of the king’s sergeant at arms and another horseman [janitar] also required a quarter of oats ‘on two occasions’. It
was an expensive year. A shilling was ‘given to 8 carters of earl Warenne [earl of Surrey] coming to the same place in
the month of July with 21 horses in 4 carts of the same, for not tarrying in the manor nor making other damage,’ 12
quarters of oats were ‘given to the avener of the queen coming to the same place in the month of August’, and a shilling
and a quarter of oats were ‘given to certain purveyors of the duke of Cornwall coming to the same place in the month
of October for carting and taking oats for not taking anything’. 19s ¾d was still outstanding from the previous year
for wheat sold to the duke. To top it all, the king’s escheator, John son of Nicholas, also came in October ‘with his 3
grooms on 2 occasions and 12 men of the jury on 1 occasion … for valuation of the manor’, requiring 3 bushels of oats
for his 3 horses, plus 3 geese and 3 capons (these expenses are not included in the chart opposite).

Different purveyors had responsibility for different supplies: the marshall and his knights are mentioned,87 as well as
poulterers,88 purveyors of carts,89 takers of wheat,90 and aveners91 – responsible for obtaining oats, the most frequent
item required, as the royal horses needed their fodder. Other royal livestock might also expect to find sustenance on
the manor – the grazier [pastor] of the queen’s oxen and the keeper of the prince’s sheep are mentioned.92

Purveyors were supposed to pay for what they took, though they could set their own price. Often they did not pay by
cash but by credit or tally. It is not clear whether the manor or the abbey was responsible for obtaining payment, but
there are frequent references to goods being taken by tally, and to payment being outstanding after a year or more.93
In fact the lists of outstanding debts on the account rolls for the 1440s include oats supplied to the king decades before
(see page 190).94 Items are often entered as ‘taken’ or ‘given’. Purveyors ‘were probably the most detested and feared
of all the royal agents operating in the village communities of England’,95 and every attempt was made to reduce the
impact of their visits. Purveyors were often given cash or kind as bribes to move on quickly, or to look elsewhere –
there are frequent references to such ‘gifts’ or ‘expenses’ ‘for not taking straw’ or oats or poultry, or for not making
distraint or causing damage.96 If it was known that purveyors were in the area, the estate manager might arrange an
early delivery to the abbey or a quick sale of surplus corn or livestock, ‘for fear of the king’s ministers’,97 and a special
effort was made to complete the spring harrowing in 1331, 1342 and 1343 ‘for fear of men of the lord king and others’.98

Several officials are named in the Morden account rolls:

1350/51 Peter Adam99 avener for the queen 6d ‘gift’

1330/31 Thomas de Arderne100 for horses of the queen oats purchased by tally

1340/41 William de Batesforde101 taker of duke of Cornwall’s wheat wheat purchased

1355/56 Adam de Benigton102 the queen’s avener 2s ‘gift’ for not taking oats

1350/51 Thomas Bolde103 purveyor carting queen’s timber 6d ‘gift’ not to use manor carts

1313/14 Adam le Bray104 2 quarters wheat by order of bailiff

1346/47 Ralph Broun105 purveyor of the lord king oats – unpaid

1341/42 John Brymmesarone106 horseman of the lord king oats for fodder

1357/58 Henry Craunford107 purveyor of the lord king ‘expenses’ for not taking oats

1341/42 James Daudrei108 sergeant at arms of the lord king oats for fodder

1350/51 Walter Dalton109 comptroller of the lord king 18d ‘expenses’

1352/53 John Faukener110 1 bushel wheat ‘given’

1346/47 Reginald Forester111 sheriff of Surrey wheat for queen – unpaid

1355/56 John Froyle112 purveyor of carts 2s ‘given’ in April

1330/31 Arnold Gocelyn113 avener of the lord king oats, hens and capons as a ‘gift’

1329/30 Thomas de Hastang114 oats purchased

1357/58 William atte Kechene115 purveyor of the lord prince 1 shilling ‘gift’ to remove his animals

1341/42, 1352/53 John de Kenynton116 avener of the queen oats ‘given’ on each visit

1353/54 John de Kingston117 avener 1 shilling ‘gift’

1352/53 William Kyngestone118 poulterer of the lord king 1 bushel wheat ‘given’

1341/42 Alan de Lissinton119 purveyor of the lord king oats for warhorse at Merton

1357/58 John Loveden120 purveyor of the lord king 1 shilling ‘gift’ for not taking oats

1313/14 Edward de Manle121 king’s steward hay and vetches purchased by tally

1330/31 John de Mongomery122 21d expenses tarrying 15 days

1304/05 Matthew de Monte M’rtimi123 4 bushels oats for saving ‘great ash tree’ from being taken by queen’s ministers

1349/50 John Padyngton124 purveyor for the lord prince 6d ‘gift’ for not taking beans

1352-54 Walter Palmer 125 ‘le cariour’ – purveyor of carts ‘gift’ for not carting stone to Windsor

1352-54 Robert de Same126 purveyor of the lord prince 6d ‘gift’ for not taking straw

1349/51 John Wartr’127 purveyor of the lord king / prince oats – unpaid

1349/50 John Wermyngton128 avener for the lord king 2s 6d ‘gift’ for not taking oats

1352/53 John 129 grazier of the lord prince 1 bushel wheat ‘given’

1357/58 Sir Thomas 130 avener of the lord prince ‘expenses’ for not taking oats

Inflation and recession

By the late 11th century Westminster Abbey’s estate at Morden, and many of its other estates, had been leased out on
fixed rents or farms [firma]. The Morden entry in Domesday Book gives the value of the estate before the Conquest
as £6, and in 1086 as £10, ‘and yet it pays £15′ – sure evidence that it was leased at farm, rendering a sum, in cash or in
kind, in excess of its Domesday value (see page 3).131 However, the end of the 12th century saw the dawn of a period
of economic expansion and severe inflation that lasted to the end of the 13th century. During this time prices and
wages more than doubled, and those on a fixed income faced the prospect of their real income being halved.

The abbey responded by taking the demesnes under its direct control as leases expired. There were probably additional
motives for such drastic action – in particular the fear that the 12th-century legal reforms relating to tenants’ security
could see the erosion of the abbey’s rights in their leased estates.132

There is no direct evidence of the date of the changeover in Morden, though it is likely to have taken place before
the writing of the Custumal c.1225, which details the income and obligations owed by free and customary tenants
but makes no mention of the demesne being at farm.133 Other evidence that the abbey was concerning itself with the
details of the management of the demesne around 1217/21 may be found in the arrangement to gain land in Morden
that had come into the possession of another manorial lord. The monks were willing to pay Robert Morin and his
heirs 4 shillings a year for a virgate of land, probably the land at Gildonhill that they later held from the Kynnersley
family (see page 3).134

Leasing was a simpler system to administer than direct management, but the opportunity to share in the increased
profits from agriculture and to intensify production on the demesne was deemed to more than compensate for the
additional administrative burden, even on a small manor such as Morden.135

Economic growth was slowing by the beginning of the 14th century, for a variety of reasons – population growth,
exploitation of uneconomic land, government demands in pursuit of war, a failure in money supply, a fall in investment
in building works leading to increased unemployment and under-employment.136 Key elements were wetter weather,
harvest failures – particularly the Great Famine of 1315-17 – followed by disease and mortality among livestock in
1319-21, all leading to higher prices for foodstuffs and a consequent cutback in other spending (see pages 176-9).

Corn prices remained high into the 1320s but had fallen again by the 1330s and continued to fall into the 1340s (see page
48). This was a period of general recession, and was met everywhere by a steady contraction of agricultural production.
The acreage of demesne under cultivation diminished in Morden, as elsewhere, throughout the 14th century (see
page 37). Some land was leased to tenants, some left fallow for several years and used for pasture (see pages 32-3).
During the 1340s the auditors began regularly to charge the estate managers for the difference between the declared
yield and the quantity threshed, perhaps reflecting the introduction of set quotas in an attempt to maximise income.137

And then crisis gave way to catastrophe with the arrival of plague in 1349 (see page 181). Once the initial shock was over,
it was hoped that things would return to normal. Grain prices rose and remained high for over 20 years. Government
intervention slowed down the rise in wage rates brought about by labour shortages, though the need to pay for more
piecework, to compensate for lost labour services, pushed wage bills up, especially at harvest (see chart opposite and
page 125). It was difficult to find tenants to replace those who had died, especially on the terms and conditions of earlier
times, with obligations for labour services and other customary dues, but by the mid 1350s most of the tenements that
had come into the lord’s hand had found lessees (see page 105). The greatest change was the expansion of sheep farming,
with large flocks travelling back and forth between the abbey’s manors (see pages 71-3). In spite of early setbacks there
was sufficient encouragement to invest in a substantial sheephouse during the early 1350s (see page 11).

But ultimately the decision was taken to bring to an end the direct management of the demesne at Morden, as on
several of the convent’s manors. From Easter 1359 the demesne was leased for 20 years, and other leases followed (see
pages 133-146). Some manors were leased for a while and then taken back in hand,138 but Morden remained at farm
until 1568, by which time it had ceased to be owned by the abbey.

There are no extant manorial accounts for the first 30 years that the manor was at farm, so we have no information
on the effects of the return of plague in 1369 and 1374/75, or of the famine of 1370. This was a period of increasing
economic disruption and social unrest.139 No court rolls survive between 1328 and 1378, perhaps as a result of the
destruction of court records in Morden such as affected other manors of Westminster Abbey and other landlords
during the uprising of 1381.140 The extant court rolls at the British Library start from February 1378 and contain no
hint of unrest or non-cooperation, though the membrane recording the courts held in November 1380 and August
1381 is damaged at one end.141

Harvests were mostly good and grain prices correspondingly low in the last decade of the 14th century, and this
continued into the first quarter of the 15th century.142 Perhaps this explains the switch in the demesne leases from
cash to corn rents from 1388 to c.1445 and the hoarding of the grain in the barn at Morden for 2 or 3 years in the early
1400s before sale or delivery to the abbey (see page 135).

When cash payments were resumed c.1445 the farm of the demesne had fallen from £14 a year, paid from 1391-9,
to a mere £4 13s 4d, a level maintained until 1511 (see page 135) though, overall, arrears were mounting as it became
increasingly difficult to collect rents from other tenants (see overleaf and pages 140-1). The mid 15th century was
the lowest point of the recession, following a return of the plague in the 1430s, severe famine in 1438/9, sheep and
cattle epidemics, and national and international crises – the loss of Normandy in 1450 and Gascony in 1453, and
intermittent civil war throughout the 1450s.143

But the bad times were gradually drawing to a close, as the economy began to revive during the last three decades
of the 15th century and the first quarter of the 16th century, with greater political stability and a general increase in
population.144 London grew steadily, stimulating both the food market and the property market in nearby estates such
as Morden. From the 1470s prosperous citizens of London began to invest in Morden properties, starting with a cottage
here and a plot of land there, though in time some built up substantial holdings.145 Londoners also became lessees of
the demesne from this time (see page 137). Few manorial accounts survive from this period, and none after 1502/03.146

By 1511 the abbey seems to have given up all hope of profiting from Morden. It granted a 60-year lease of all its rights
and interests in the manor, its rents and courts, and the rectory, other than the right to present vicars, for a payment
of £10 a year (see pages 138-9). But inflation struck again in the 1520s and the abbey was left with a diminishing
return. For the farmers, this was a time when leases were becoming more valuable, often being assigned at a profit.147

On 16 January 1539/40 the abbot and monks of Westminster surrendered the monastery to Henry VIII’s commissioners.
It was re-founded as the cathedral of a new diocese of Middlesex, but this was suppressed in 1550 and the diocese
reunited with London. During Mary’s short reign a monastery was re-established there from 1556 until 1559, and
thereafter it became a collegiate church, under a dean.148 Many of its former estates had been returned to the church,
but Morden was not one of them. It seems unlikely that its loss was greatly mourned.

Morden remained a Crown property until June 1553, when it briefly passed into the hands of London merchants,
Edward Whitchurche and Lionel Duckett, who sold it in March 1553/4 to Richard Garth, a lawyer, in whose family it
remained until the late 19th century. Whitchurche and Duckett had paid £699 18s 1d for the manor of Morden and
some properties in Nottinghamshire and Shropshire,149 while Garth paid them £460 for Morden.150

Average corn prices in each decade are based on prices for the various grains sold or purchased as recorded in the account rolls.151

The cost of harvesting a quarter of grain has been calculated by dividing the average sum in ‘Harvest expenses’ sections of the
accounts by the total quantity of grain threshed during the following year (plus oats consumed in sheaves). The low cost in the 1290s
is explained in the account rolls – a dearth of fish led to more meat being provided, mostly bacon from stock. Also, during these
years a greater proportion of the ale was brewed on the demesne than was usual, using malt made on the demesne, not purchased.

There were many other stages in the production of the grain – manuring, ploughing, sowing, harrowing, weeding, threshing,
winnowing and carting – each with its own costs. These included staff wages (in cash and kind), wages for piecework, expenses
for food and drink (purchased and from stock), purchase and repair of ploughs and carts, as well as the value of labour services.

The harvest expenses have been charted here to show the increase in workers paid by piecework after the Black Death.

The cost of reaping a quarter of grain, and the price it sold for

10-year averages for all kinds of corn (in shillings per quarter)

0.00.51.01.52.02.53.03.54.04.55.01280s1290s1300s1310s1320s1330s1340s1350sharv excorn price
5/-

4/6

4/-

3/6

3/-

2/6

2/-

1/6

1/-

6d

plus bacon and ale from stock

harvest expenses

average price of grain

(shillings per quarter of grain)

1280s

1290s

1300s

1310s

1320s

1330s

1340s

1350s

Debt

Debt was a characteristic of the manorial economy. If the estate manager’s expenditure, including cash already delivered
to the abbey, exceeded his cash income his ‘surplus’ [superplusagium] was carried forward to the ‘Expenses’ section of
the next account, whereas if he still owed cash his ‘arrears’ [arreragium] were entered under the following year’s ‘Income’.

However, by the mid 15th century debts had escalated. Ewell tenants refused to pay their rents and other dues (see
pages 141, 165, 167). The Morden tenants only paid Common Fine at 1d a head, instead of the customary total of 6s
8d (see page 141). Royal purveyors paid by tallies that could not always be redeemed (see page 187). Arrears mounted
throughout the 15th century, approaching £130 by 1469.152 Although outstanding debts were recorded at the foot of
each annual account roll, some entries dating back half a century, the lists grew longer by the year. No accounts survive
between the fragment reproduced below, from either 1474 or 1480/81 (both dates are written on the dorse), and the
roll of 1493/94, during which time the lists had been discontinued. The arrears were then only £80,153 but it seems
more likely that some long-term debts had been written off, rather than paid. In the final surviving roll of 1502/03
the accumulated arrears exceeded £90.154

Against

William Mulseye formerly farmer. £4 11s 3½d

The Lord H VI for 9 quarters oats sold to his purveyors 48 years preceding 18s

Simone Popsent formerly farmer at the same place 73s 4d

John Ravennyng late farmer at the same place £14 16s 3½d

The lord H VI for 7 quarters oats sold to his purveyors 15th year of his reign 15s 3d

The same king for 9 quarters oats sold to his purveyors on other occasions 18s

William Goldwyr formerly beadle at the same place 51s 3d

Roger at Heth late farmer at the same place 71s 4d

William Longe late farmer at the same place 64s 7¼d

Thomas Spyke late beadle at the same place £12 4s 3½d

Thomas Pulton late beadle at the same place 47s 17/8d

Richard Swan late beadle at the same place £10 19s 11¾d

John Sager late farmer at the same place 40s

William Davy late farmer at the same place 60s

Richard Huntman and his fellows for amercements by roll of court 17 and 18 years preceding 13s 4d

Walter at Heth farmer of the demesne of the manor at the same place for 17 years preceding 33s 4d

John Dounton both farmer of the demesne of the manor and rent collector at the same place [blank]

WAM 27378, the only surviving fragment of the account roll for 1474 or 1480/81

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

191

BALANCING THE BOOKS

Two medieval doodles

from WAM 27370 (top) and WAM 27371 (bottom), accounts of William Mulseye,

farmer of the rectory and demesne of Morden, 1409-10 and 1411-12

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

192 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

The accounting year 1280-1359

REF: FROM: TO:

WAM 27282 Nativity of S John Baptist 8 Ed I 24 Jun 1280 Nativity of S John Baptist 9 Ed I 24 Jun 1281

WAM 27283 Nativity of S John Baptist 9 Ed I 24 Jun 1281 Nativity of S John Baptist 10 Ed I 24 Jun 1282

{ WAM 27284 Nativity of S John Baptist 10 Ed I 24 Jun 1282 Tues after SS Gordiamus & Epimachius 11 Ed I 11 May 1283

{ WAM 27285 Tues after SS Gordiamus & Epimachius 11 Ed I 11 May 1283 S Margaret’s day 11 Ed I 20 Jul 1283

11 Ed I 1283 12 Ed I 1284

12 Ed I 1284 13 Ed I 1285

13 Ed I 1285 14 Ed I 1286

14 Ed I 1286 15 Ed I 1287

{ WAM 27287 Morrow of Michaelmas 15 Ed I 30 Sep 1287 Sat after Nativity of S John Baptist 16 Ed I 26 Jun 1288

{ WAM 27288 Sat after Nativity of S John Baptist 16 Ed I 26 Jun 1288 Morrow of Michaelmas 16 Ed I 30 Sep 1288

16 Ed I 1288 17 Ed I 1289

17 Ed I 1289 18 Ed I 1290

WAM 27289 Morrow of Michaelmas 18 Ed I 30 Sep 1290 Morrow of Michaelmas 19 Ed I 30 Sep 1291

{ WAM 27290 Morrow of Michaelmas 19 Ed I 30 Sep 1291 Morrow of SS Fabian & Sebastian 20 Ed I 21 Jan 1292

{ WAM 27291 Morrow of SS Fabian & Sebastian 20 Ed I 21 Jan 1292 Morrow of Michaelmas 20 Ed I 30 Sep 1292

WAM 27292 Morrow of Michaelmas 20 Ed I 30 Sep 1292 Morrow of Michaelmas 21 Ed I 30 Sep 1293

21 Ed I 1293 22 Ed I 1294

WAM 27293 Michaelmas Day 22 Ed I 29 Sep 1294 Morrow of Michaelmas 23 Ed I 30 Sep 1295

WAM 27294 Morrow of Michaelmas 23 Ed I 30 Sep 1295 Morrow of Michaelmas 24 Ed I 30 Sep 1296

24 Ed I 1296 25 Ed I 1297

25 Ed I 1297 26 Ed I 1298

26 Ed I 1298 27 Ed I 1299

27 Ed I 1299 28 Ed I 1300

28 Ed I 1300 29 Ed I 1301

29 Ed I 1301 30 Ed I 1302

WAM 27295 Morrow of Michaelmas 30 Ed I 30 Sep 1302 Morrow of Michaelmas 31 Ed I 30 Sep 1303

WAM 27297 Morrow of Michaelmas 31 Ed I 30 Sep 1303 Morrow of Michaelmas 32 Ed I 30 Sep 1304

{ WAM 27298 Morrow of Michaelmas 32 Ed I 30 Sep 1304 Translation of S Thomas the martyr 33 Ed I 7 Jul 1305

{ WAM 27299 Translation of S Thomas the martyr 33 Ed I 7 Jul 1305 Morrow of Michaelmas 33 Ed I 30 Sep 1305

33 Ed I 1305 34 Ed I 1306

WAM 27300 Morrow of Michaelmas 34 Ed I 30 Sep 1306 Morrow of Michaelmas 1 Ed II 30 Sep 1307

{ WAM 27301 Morrow of Michaelmas 1 Ed II 30 Sep 1307 Tuesday after Epiphany 1 Ed II 9 Jan 1308

{ WAM 27302 Tuesday after Epiphany 2 Ed II 9 Jan 1308 Morrow of Michaelmas 2 Ed II 30 Sep 1308

2 Ed II 1308 3 Ed II 1309

3 Ed II 1309 4 Ed II 1310

SAL 1 Michaelmas Day 4 Ed II 29 Sep 1310 Michaelmas Day 5 Ed II 29 Sep 1311

WAM 27303 Michaelmas Day 5 Ed II 29 Sep 1311 Morrow of Michaelmas 6 Ed II 30 Sep 1312

WAM 27304 Michaelmas Day 6 Ed II 29 Sep 1312 Michaelmas Day 7 Ed II 29 Sep 1313

WAM 27305 Michaelmas Day 7 Ed II 29 Sep 1313 Michaelmas Day 8 Ed II 29 Sep 1314

8 Ed II 1314 9 Ed II 1315

9 Ed II 1315 10 Ed II 1316

10 Ed II 1316 11 Ed II 1317

SAL2 Morrow of Michaelmas 11 Ed II 30 Sep 1317 Morrow of Michaelmas 12 Ed II 30 Sep 1318

12 Ed II 1318 13 Ed II 1319

SAL3 Morrow of Michaelmas 13 Ed II 30 Sep 1319 Morrow of Michaelmas 14 Ed II 30 Sep 1320

SAL6 7 Michaelmas Day 14 Ed II 29 Sep 1320 Michaelmas Day 15 Ed II 29 Sep 1321

WAM 27306 Michaelmas Day 15 Ed II 29 Sep 1321 Michaelmas Day 16 Ed II 29 Sep 1322

{ SAL13 Morrow of Michaelmas 16 Ed II 30 Sep 1322 Translation of S Thomas the martyr 17 Ed II 8 Jul 1323

{ SAL10 Translation of S Thomas the martyr 17 Ed II 8 Jul 1323 Michaelmas Day 17 Ed II 29 Sep 1323

17 Ed II 1323 18 Ed II 1324

SAL15 Michaelmas Day 18 Ed II 29 Sep 1324 Michaelmas Day 19 Ed II 29 Sep 1325

19 Ed II 1325 20 Ed II 1326

[WAM 27309] Michaelmas Day 20 Ed II 29 Sep 1326 Michaelmas Day 1 Ed III 29 Sep 1327
WAM 27310 Michaelmas Day 1 Ed III 29 Sep 1327 Michaelmas Day 2 Ed III 29 Sep 1328

2 Ed III 1328 3 Ed III 1329

WAM 27311 Michaelmas Day 3 Ed III 29 Sep 1329 Michaelmas Day 4 Ed III 29 Sep 1330

WAM 27312 Morrow of Michaelmas 4 Ed III 30 Sep 1330 Morrow of Michaelmas 5 Ed III 30 Sep 1331

5 Ed III 1331 6 Ed III 1332

BOD Michaelmas Day 6 Ed III 29 Sep 1332 Michaelmas Day 7 Ed III 29 Sep 1333

7 Ed III 1333 8 Ed III 1334

8 Ed III 1334 9 Ed III 1335

WAM 27313 Michaelmas Day 9 Ed III 29 Sep 1335 Michaelmas Day 10 Ed III 29 Sep 1336

10 Ed III 1336 11 Ed III 1337

11 Ed III 1337 12 Ed III 1338

12 Ed III 1338 13 Ed III 1339

WAM 27314 Michaelmas Day 13 Ed III 29 Sep 1339 Michaelmas Day 14 Ed III 29 Sep 1340

WAM 27315 Michaelmas Day 14 Ed III 29 Sep 1340 26 January 15 Ed III 26 Jan 1341

WAM 27316 Michaelmas Day 15 Ed III 29 Sep 1341 Michaelmas Day 16 Ed III 29 Sep 1342

WAM 27317 Michaelmas Day 16 Ed III 29 Sep 1342 Michaelmas Day 17 Ed III 29 Sep 1343

17 Ed III 1343 18 Ed III 1344

WAM 27318 Michaelmas Day 18 Ed III 29 Sep 1344 Michaelmas Day 19 Ed III 29 Sep 1345

WAM 27319 Morrow of Michaelmas 19 Ed III 30 Sep 1345 Morrow of Michaelmas 20 Ed III 30 Sep 1346

WAM 27321 Morrow of Michaelmas 20 Ed III 30 Sep 1346 Morrow of Michaelmas 21 Ed III 30 Sep 1347

21 Ed III 1347 22 Ed III 1348

WAM 27322 Michaelmas Eve 22 Ed III 28 Sep 1348 Michaelmas Eve 23 Ed III 28 Sep 1349

WAM 27323 Michaelmas Day 23 Ed III 29 Sep 1349 Morrow of Michaelmas 24 Ed III 30 Sep 1350

WAM 27324 Michaelmas Eve 24 Ed III 28 Sep 1350 Michaelmas Eve 25 Ed III 28 Sep 1351

{ WAM 27326 Michaelmas Eve 25 Ed III 28 Sep 1351 S Peter ad Vincula 26 Ed III 1 Aug 1352

{ WAM 27327 Gule of August 26 Ed III 1 Aug 1352 Gule of August 27 Ed III 1 Aug 1353

{ WAM 27329 Gule of August 27 Ed III 1 Aug 1353 Michaelmas Day 27 Ed III 29 Sep 1353

WAM 27331 Michaelmas Eve 27 Ed III 28 Sep 1353 Michaelmas Eve 28 Ed III 28 Sep 1354

28 Ed III 1354 29 Ed III 1355

WAM 27333 Michaelmas Eve 29 Ed III 28 Sep 1355 Michaelmas Eve 30 Ed III 28 Sep 1356

WAM 27335 Michaelmas Eve 30 Ed III 28 Sep 1356 Michaelmas Eve 31 Ed III 28 Sep 1357

WAM 27337 Michaelmas Eve 31 Ed III 28 Sep 1357 Michaelmas Eve 32 Ed III 28 Sep 1358

WAM 27339 Michaelmas Eve 32 Ed III 28 Sep 1358 Easter Day 33 Ed III 21 Apr 1359

balancing the books 193

The accounting year

From 1287 the period covered by the annual accounts normally ran from September to September, after harvest. Usually
it began and ended on Michaelmas Day (29 September) or the Morrow [crastinum] of Michaelmas (30 September),
but sometimes on Michaelmas Eve [vigilia] (28 September). When the account began on the Morrow the rents for the
Michaelmas term were collected at the end of the account, rather than the beginning,1 though on the few occasions
when the term began on Michaelmas Day and ended on the Morrow of Michaelmas a year later, the Michaelmas rents
were not entered twice.2 However, the earliest extant accounts began and ended on Midsummer Day, the Nativity
of John the Baptist (24 June), and in 1351/52 and 1352/53 the year end was briefly changed to 1 August, commonly
called Gule, the feast of St Peter ad Vincula.3 In these years, therefore, the harvest and threshing costs and the issues
of the grange related to the same grain, whereas in Michaelmas accounting years threshing costs and grange accounts
related to grain harvested in the previous accounting year.

If there was a change of estate manager during an accounting year, each would usually produce a separate account,4
though in 1345/46, when Richard Edward was reeve until Christmas Day 1345 and Alexander ate Bruggend de
Kynguston succeeded him as serviens, only one account was produced for the year.5 However, an inventory was drawn
up showing the stock at the time of changeover, as had also happened in July 1323 (see page 25).6 Richard Edward had
taken over as reeve in January 1341, but his first account from January to Michaelmas 1341 has not survived, only the
final account of his predecessor, John Huberd.7

The estate manager was sometimes required to present an interim cash account part way through the accounting year,
and two such accounts survive, as well as their end-of-year accounts. From 1302/03 is a ‘View of Account of Richard
le May serviens of Morden from the Morrow of Michaelmas in the 30th year of King Edward [I] until [blank]’, written
on the back of an abstract of accounts for the abbey’s manor of Stevenage, Herts, for 1272-99.8 Another, headed ‘State
of the church of Morden as regards tithe – Year 15 Edward’, has the Morden rectory view of account for 1321/22 on
the recto and the manor view of account on the dorse.9 The end-of-year accounts survive for both the manor and
the rectory, and the Oats section of the manor account includes ‘fodder for the horses of brothers Philip de Sottone,
Robert de Bebb and Sir John de Neuport taking view of account and regulating the state of the manor 2 bushels 1
peck by 1 tally’, and their other expenses are also recorded.10 Several accounts mention the monk-bailiff’s visit ‘for
superintending and regulating the state of the manor’ (see pages 89, 196-7),11 but there are only two other entries
relating to the expenses of the monk-bailiff or auditor and his clerk at the view of account.12 It may be significant that
three of these views took place during the first year of a new estate manager. 1321/22 was the exception, and it was
also the only occasion where both view of account and the state of the manor visit are mentioned together.

The account for 1356/57 records the ‘expenses of Thomas the clerk for the view and account made on various occasions
18d’.13 This was probably the local clerk who prepared the annual accounts on the manor on behalf of the estate manager.
This is the only such reference, though later accounts, from when the manor was at farm, include an allowance for
parchment for the clerk.14 It has been suggested that he was normally paid by the estate manager.15

There are frequent references to purchases and sales ‘by order of the bailiff’,16 or ‘witnessed by the bailiff’,17 or ‘by view
of the bailiff’,18 but how and when the monk-bailiff did this is not clear. There is also a reference to murrains being
witnessed by the homage and recorded in the manorial court roll.19 Unless the estate manager could produce such
authority for his actions he was likely to be penalized at the end-of-year audit (see overleaf). Thus there are frequent
references to tallies [tallia], as well as to sealed documents [cedula sigillata]20 and letters of authority or writs [breve].21

Morden – Account of Alexander ate Bruggend de Kynguston serviens at the same place of the issues of
the same manor from the Morrow of Michaelmas in the 20th year of the reign of King Edward III
after the Conquest until the Morrow of Michaelmas next following in the 21st year of the same king.

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The above sum covered the following items from the grain and livestock accounts on the verso of the
account roll:

6s 0d 6 bushels wheat see extract on page 38

10d 1 bushel beans see extract on page 46

7½d 1¼ bushels peas and vetches see extract on page 46

6d 1 bushel barley see extract on page 42

8d 2 bushels oats see extract on page 44

3s 0d 3 piglets see extract on page 77

1s 6d 3 young piglets see extract on page 77

2s 8d 16 geese see extract on page 78

15s 9½d TOTAL SOLD AT AUDIT

Extract from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Debit of the account

For 15s 9½d for various things sold at the audit.

Sum 15s 9½d.

Extract from WAM 27287, the account roll for Morrow of Michaelmas 1287

to the Saturday after the Nativity of S John Baptist 1288

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

And henceforth he is to account for all labour services of the manor.

Henceforth he shall make account of labour services and customs.

Extracts from SAL 2, the account roll for Morrow of Michaelmas 1317 to Morrow of Michaelmas 1318 (above)

and SAL 6, the account roll for Michaelmas 1320 to Michaelmas 1321 (below)

© The Society of Antiquaries of London, reproduced by kind permission

Labour services

henceforth he shall separate the works

[the labour services entry only covers the 676 works due

from the 13 customary tenants at 1 work each week]

Henceforth he shall make account of ploughing and carrying services and of
other works they ought to do.

The audit process

At the end of the financial year the estate manager and his clerk would gather together the various tally sticks and
other forms of evidence and prepare the annual account. The accounts normally listed cash transactions on the front
of the roll with stock accounts on the dorse, though in 1287/88 and 1291-93 the stock accounts began at the foot of
the front of the roll.22 However, it would appear that the stock accounts were usually completed first, and then the
various sections of the cash account.23

In due course a team of auditors would come from Westminster Abbey, normally two or three monks and their clerk
(see page 91). They would go through the accounts, examining every entry in detail, making sure nothing was omitted,
and challenging the estate manager on any item that seemed unreasonable. Every purchase and sale recorded in the
stock account was checked against its entry in the cash account. Had this particular purchase been made? – the claim
for 32s 1d for a new millstone was dismissed in 1283/84 ‘because none was bought’.24 Had it been bought at the stated
price? – prices were frequently crossed through and lower ones inserted. Sometimes additional information was
added above an entry, often by way of explanation, particularly when a higher than usual charge was made because
of severe weather conditions,25 or ‘because of dearth’,26 or ‘pestilence’,27 or some other reason.28 Unless the manager
could justify his claim, the item would be crossed through and a comment written above the deleted entry such as
‘because without a tally’29 or ‘because not witnessed’.30 Prices might be changed and calculations adjusted. Yields were
calculated and shortfalls from the expected yield, both of grain and livestock, were ‘charged at the audit’ [carcat or
onerat super compotum or superoneratone].31 Any corn, livestock or produce that could not be accounted for became
the subject of a fictitious sale – sold ‘at the audit’ [super compotum] – and the proceeds added to the Income section
of the account, to be charged to the estate manager (see extract at top of opposite page).

Once the individual entries had been reconciled, the income and expenses could be totalled and the balance calculated.
At this stage the manager could ‘petition’ for various disallowed items to be accepted, and other allowances to be made.32
Sometimes a lost tally had been found or the monk-bailiff agreed that an entry had been justified.33 Sometimes an
allowance was made ‘by grace of the auditors’.34 The balance of the rectory account might be included with the manor
account, and the final balance was then calculated. If the expenditure exceeded the income, the ‘excess’ [excessus] or
‘surplus’ [superplusagium] would not be paid to the manager, but would be carried forward and entered as an expense
in the following year’s roll. If income exceeded expenditure, some cash was delivered to the treasurer at Westminster
Abbey while the balance was entered as ‘Arrears’ [arreragium] at the beginning of the income section of the next
account, leaving the manager with some cash in hand. Very rarely was the account settled in full at the audit.35

The auditors often made a marginal note to inquire into something – such as the whereabouts of the forfeited goods
of a hanged felon,36 the heriot of a dead tenant, the profits of the manorial court,37 the legitimacy of certain foreign
expenses,38 the issue of the manor’s mares,39 and other matters concerning livestock.40 Had the reeve sold the corn to
himself?41 Should the beadle be acquitted from paying rent and tallage?42 How many acres had been sown?43

They also commented on the expected issues of livestock,44 and whether allowance should be made for sterile cows.45
In 1310/11 the instruction was given to ‘increase the number of acres’ sown with oats,46 and in 1317/18 a note was
added to record the first mowing of certain meadows.47 Reasonable charges for harvest expenses were set out,48 and
in 1349/50, following the Black Death, the following instruction was made: ‘Each acre which they reap by boon-work
in all years to cost 9¾d, therefore henceforth the serviens is to see whether it is to the lord’s profit to reap thus or by
piecework, on personal pain and peril in the account’.49

Instructions were also given for additional sections to be included in future accounts, particularly about the way that
labour services should be accounted for (see extracts on facing page and page 109). The process was slow, as the records
for the next year’s account were already being collected when an instruction was given at the audit of the previous
account. The earliest a new system could be introduced was two years after the order was given. Even then the desired
practice would need to be defined and refined over subsequent years. Thus in response to the instruction at the audit
of the 1287/88 account the estate manager started to record the sales of labour services in1290/91, but it was not until
1320/21 that he started to account for how the individual weekly labour services were used, in response to the order
made at the 1317/18 audit. Carrying services and dung-carting were recorded from 1322/23, and ploughing services
and harvest boonworks from 1324/25, but the full accounting of each type of labour service under its separate heading
was not introduced until 1330/31.50

The auditors also made decisions on staffing levels, as in 1330/31: ‘it is forbidden to maintain a ploughman [carrucarius]
in following times – henceforth maintain 1 man to keep the cows and make pottage and winnow and give every 10
weeks 1 quarter [of maslin]’.51 This was implemented in 1332/33, when ‘1 dairy worker being in place of the cowman
[vaccarius]’ received 4s 6d in wages a year plus 1 quarter of maslin every 10 weeks.52

The accounts of farmers of the manor were also audited, though they are not so detailed (see pages 141, 143). Rectory
accounts also underwent annual audit, the balance frequently being transferred to the manor account (see page 157).

MORDEN: The Sunday after St Andrew’s Day in the abovesaid year [3 December 1312].

Of wheat in the granary 7 bushels wheat, 5 bushels curall wheat. Likewise estimated in the grange 16 quarters of
which 6 quarters poor wheat. Sum 16 quarters 6 bushels.* Of which in household expenses in harvest, in expenses
of boonworks as regards reaping corn, with serviens’ livery 5½ quarters. In maslin for servants’ livery 6 quarters 5
bushels poor wheat and curall. Also delivered to Westminster upon the View 6 bushels. Sum 12 quarters 7 bushels.
And so there remain for sale 4 quarters 5 bushels.#

Of mixstillio estimated in the grange 2 quarters. Sum 2 quarters. And all in servants’ livery.

Of barley estimated in the grange 10 quarters. Sum 10 quarters. And the whole accounted in sowing.

Of beans estimated in the grange 7 quarters. Sum 7 quarters. Of which in sowing 3 quarters. And so there remain
for sale 4 quarters.

Of peas estimated in the grange 12 quarters. Sum 12 quarters. Of which in sowing 4 quarters. In servants’ livery 5
quarters. Sum 9 quarters. And so there remain for sale 3 quarters.

Of dredge estimated in the grange 8 quarters. Sum 8 quarters. Of which in sowing 2 quarters. And so there remain
for sale 6 quarters dredge.

Of oats remaining in the granary 1 quarter 2 bushels. Likewise estimated in the grange 40 quarters. Sum 41 quarters
2 bushels. Of which in sowing 40 quarters by estimation. In meal for servants’ pottage, fodder for carthorses, fodder
for oxen and calves 21 quarters. In fodder for the bailiff and Roger atte Doune 1½ quarters. Sum 62½ quarters. And
so the purchase of 21 quarters 2 bushels is ordered to supply the deficiency thereof as appears below.

Of maslin of issue of the mill by estimation 18 quarters. And the whole accounted in servants’ livery.

LIVESTOCK

There are at the same place 2 carthorses, 4 draught horses, 1 colt aged 2 years, 16 oxen, 5 cows, 2 bullocks of which
1 male, 2 male yearlings, 7 geese, of which 2 ganders, 4 breeding females, 12 capons, 2 cocks, 10 hens, 10 chickens.

CASH

Robert Fabian, serviens at the same place, owes at the view of his account on the aforesaid day nothing. And there
is levied for rents for the terms of Christmas, Blessed Mary in March, Nativity of St John and Michaelmas with
tallage at the same term £4 2s 5d. For ploughing-services sold, animals agisted in pasture, lambs weaned, pasturage
sold, hay and straw sold 23s. For farm of cows 25s. For eggs sold 10d. For 4 quarters beans sold 16s. And for 3
quarters peas sold 10s. For profits of court 40s. And for 4 quarters 5 bushels wheat sold 25s 4d. And for 6 quarters
dredge sold 16s. Sum total of cash levied £11 17s 7d.

* The total should be 17 quarters 4 bushels. # This does total 17 quarters 4 bushels.

The state of the manor

Several manorial accounts mention visits to Morden by the monk-bailiff and his colleagues ‘for superintending and
regulating the state of the manor’ (see page 89).53 All the convent’s manors were inspected and 70 documents relating to
these visits survive. Morden is included in 19, of which only 2 are for years not covered by extant manorial accounts.54

Most of the ‘States of the Manors’ merely summarise the manorial accounts, listing stocks of grain and livestock
remaining on the manor at the end of the accounting year, and noting deliveries of cash to the abbey, arrears still
owing from the estate manager, and the value of the manor. However, the States of the Manors for 1312 (see extracts
on facing page and below) was undertaken 9 weeks after the close of the accounting year, and reveals some interesting
aspects of the accounting process. Fortunately the manorial account rolls survive for both 1311/12 and 1312/13,
allowing comparisons to be made.55

There are several differences. Only 8 quarters of barley were sown in the year 1312/13, not the 10 quarters estimated
in December 1312. No peas were allocated for servants’ maslin. No dredge was sown. No oats were purchased in the
year (other than 2½ quarters obtained from the abbey’s manor of Aldenham), in spite of the instruction to buy 21
quarters. No pasturage was sold, nor hay and straw, and the income from ‘Issues of the manor’ was 3 shillings less
than the total given in the States. Corn prices recorded in the manorial account seldom reached prices suggested in
the States. The only anticipated expense to match actual expenditure was the 65s 8d for staff wages, which was a fixed
amount, paid at the end of each quarter. So it is clear that most of the incomes and outgoings listed in the States were
forecasts rather than real. And yet recommendations regarding future purchases and sales were based on these figures.

Surprisingly, of the 75 quarters of wheat threshed Michaelmas 1312-13, only 17½ quarters remained in the manor
barns at the beginning of December 1312, most still awaiting threshing. 20 quarters had already been sown. 4 quarters
had been sent to the abbey, though 6 bushels were still owed. Of the 30 quarters recorded as sold in the year, all but
4 quarters 5 bushels had already been sold, together with 11 quarters barley and 20 quarters oats, raising over £10.
Of course, some expenses had already been incurred – more than half the harvest had already been threshed and
winnowed, staff had received their first allocation of maslin, 2 oxen had been purchased, and 1 sold. Only 30s was
set aside for completion of the new mill, suggesting that some £15 had already been accounted for (see p.15). It is no
wonder that the serviens had already overspent by 41s 6½d, despite having £7 12s in hand from the previous year.

It would seem that the manorial account had not yet been audited when the States was drawn up at the beginning
of December, as the sum quoted for rent income was the uncorrected total shown on the manorial account roll for
1311/12. The corrected total was £4 2s 2d, and that was the figure quoted in the 1312/13 manorial account roll. The
difference was merely an error, not the result of a deletion of an entry.

EXPENSES

Of which in surplus of the view of account on the aforesaid day 41s 6½d. In various rent acquittances together with
rents paid out 7s 2d. In plough costs 10s. In cart costs 8s 4d. In completing the mill as in carpentry and plastering
walls 16s 4d. In iron and brass and other necessities for the mill 14s 3d. In maintaining buildings and closes around
the court 5s. In hoeing corn and mowing meadows 8s. In harvest costs 70s. In petty expenses 8s. In fee of Roger
the serviens and wages of various servants 65s 8d. In threshing corn 13s 4d. In purchasing 21 quarters 2 bushels
oats to supply the deficiency thereof as appears above 49s 7d. In expenses of the bailiff by estimation 9s.

Total sum deducted £16 6s 2½d. And so there is a deficiency for maintaining the manor this year £4 8s 7½d.

Extracts from WAM 9298, the States of the Manors roll for 1312

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

The cash account – income and expenditure 1280-1359

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27399

760

740

720

700

680

660

640

620

600

580

560

540

520

500

480

460

440

420

400

380

360

340

320

300

280

260

240

220

200

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

280

300

320

340

360

380

400

420

440

460

480

500

520

540

560

580

600

620

640

660

680

700

720

740

760

income

shillings

account for Sept -Jan only

expenditure

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

All entries referring to the transfer of balances from Rectory accounts have been omitted in the above chart.

Three accounts cover the 2-year period Michaelmas 1351 to Michaelmas 1353. The allocation of the expenses across the 2 years in
this chart is therefore rather arbitrary.

Balancing the account

Income and expenditure on the demesne fluctuated, but the annual income seldom fell below £15 and seldom exceeded
£25. Expenditure was usually between £10 and £20 a year, except when poor harvests necessitated substantial purchases
of grain, or when major building work was undertaken. The net income from rents, after deductions for acquittances
of rent to the reeve and beadle and for tenements that defaulted into the lord’s hand after the Black Death, stayed
fairly constant, the loss of customary rent from tenements in hand soon being more than compensated by the farm
of vacant land and by the ‘new rents’ (see page 105). The quantity of grain sold depended on how much was delivered
to Westminster Abbey (see overleaf), and the income derived from such sales reflected changes in price caused by
variations in the harvest. Livestock sales were often of sick or old animals, and were usually matched by purchase of
new stock at similar prices.

The sum of items ‘sold at the audit’ (see page 195) increased over the years as auditors became more demanding, and
were extremely high in 1322/23, 1350/51 and 1356/57.56 The first of these included 72 shillings for corn sent to the
abbey for which the tally had been mislaid, and it was later allowed. The remainder that year was mainly because of
miscalculated grain yields, for which the serviens had been ‘surcharged [superonerat] so that he may answer at the
estimate made by himself which he accepted at his peril [periculum] which he allowed’. The sales at the audit in the
other two accounts were also mainly for corn charged at the audit because the yields fell below the declared yield,
giving credence to the suggestion that the reeve had been set a quota that he had failed to reach.57

Income and expenditure while the manor was at farm have already been considered (see page 141), as have the rectory
accounts before and after the tithes were leased at farm (see pages 157, 162).

Sum total receipts: £17 16s 4¼d.

-760.00-740.00-720.00-700.00-59arrearsrentscourtscornstockissueslabour servicesforeignauditsurplusrentploughs&cartsmill&buildpettycornlivestocksheepfoldweed&mowharvestthresh&
stipendsvisitorsforeignCASH WAALLOWEDBALANCE
Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Sum of all expenses and deliveries £18 9s 9½d.

And so he exceeds 13s 5¼d. Of which allowed to Richard Edward late reeve by grace of the
lord abbot, prior and convent 58s 10½d.* And so the serviens exceeds 72s 3¾d.

The Manor exceeds itself by £8 11d.

* Richard Edward owed £4 12s 2½d, of which he paid £1 13s 4d, leaving the £2 18s 10½d here allowed/excused (see extracts overleaf).

income:

arrears from previous year

net rents & customary dues

profits of manor courts

sales of corn

sales of live & deadstock

sales of issues of manor

sales of labour services

‘foreign’ receipts

‘sold at the audit’

expenditure:

‘surplus’ from previous year

rent paid for Kynnersley land

cost of ploughs & carts

cost of mill & other buildings

petty expenses

cost of corn bought

cost of livestock bought

cost of the sheepfold

weeding & mowing expenses

harvest expenses

threshing expenses

staff wages

expenses of visiting officials

‘foreign’ expenses

cash sent to Westminster

allowances

balance still to be settled

(including excess expenditure owed to
reeve, shown as a shortfall of income)

Arrears

First he renders his account for £6 8s 10¾d of arrears of his account for the preceding year of
which against Richard Edward late reeve at the same place £4 12s 2½d.

Sum £6 8s 10¾d.

Extracts from WAM 27321, the account roll for Michaelmas 1346 to Michaelmas 1347

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

Cash deliveries

Delivered to brothers R Lake and W Stondon treasurers of Westminster by the hand of Richard
Edward late reeve at the same place in part for arrears of his account 33s 4d by 1 tally. 20s by 1
tally The said Richard remains in penalty. Also in delivery of the same for excess by the hand of
the said Richard 13s 4d by 1 tally.

Sum 33s 4d.

27282

27283

27284-85

27287-88

27289

27290-91

27292

27293

27294

27295

27297

27298-99

27300

27301-02

SAL1

27303

27304

27305

SAL2

SAL3

SAL6/7

27306

SAL 13/10

SAL15

27310

27311

27312

BOD

27313

27314

27315

27316

27317

27318

27319

27321

27322

27323

27324

27326

27327/29

27331

27333

27335

27337

27399

£47

£46

£45

£44

£43

£42

£41

£40

£39

£38

£37

£36

£35

£34

£33

£32

£31

£30

£29

£28

£27

£26

£25

£24

£23

£22

£21

£20

£19

£18

£17

£16

£15

£14

£13

£12

£11

£10

£9

£8

£7

£6

£5

£4

£3

£2

£1

£0

Value of deliveries in cash and kind

to Westminster Abbey or its manors

pulses to WA manor

oats to WA manor

wheat to WA manor

foreign expenses

cheeses to WA

fleeces to WA

oats to WA

dredge to WA

barley to WA

wheat to WA

cash to WA

declared value

1280-81

1281-82

1282-83

1283-84

1284-85

1285-86

1286-87

1287-88

1288-89

1289-90

1290-91

1291-92

1292-93

1293-94

1294-95

1295-96

1296-97

1297-98

1298-99

1299-00

1300-01

1301-02

1302-03

1303-04

1304-05

1305-06

1306-07

1307-08

1308-09

1309-10

1310-11

1311-12

1312-13

1313-14

1314-15

1315-16

1316-17

1317-18

1318-19

1319-20

1320-21

1321-22

1322-23

1323-24

1324-25

1325-26

1326-27

1327-28

1328-29

1329-30

1330-31

1331-32

1332-33

1333-34

1334-35

1335-36

1336-37

1337-38

1338-39

1339-40

1340-41

1341-42

1342-43

1343-44

1344-45

1345-46

1346-47

1347-48

1348-49

1349-50

1350-51

1351-52

1352-53

1353-54

1354-55

1355-56

1356-57

1357-58

1358-59

Profit or loss?

The changing demands of the manor meant that in some years expenditure was greater than income. Low corn yields
might necessitate high levels of purchasing. Decaying buildings needed repair. The millstone had to be replaced. In such
circumstances it was not surprising that the estate manager exceeded his income. Thirteen of the extant account rolls
for the years before the demesne was leased at farm in 1359 began with a ‘surplus’ [superplusagium] as the first entry
under expenses, brought forward from the previous account as owed to the manager, though four of these included a
cash sum delivered to the abbey greater than the surplus.58 Most accounts start with arrears, or a similar entry under
‘Foreign receipts’ if the previous estate manager had handed over a sum of cash to his successor, though a few omit to
bring the arrears forward from the previous account.59 Only one account was settled in full at the end of the audit.60

Substantial cash sums were handed over to the abbey’s treasurers in most years, though between 1319/20 and 1330/31
cash was delivered only in 3 of the 8 years for which accounts survive,61 and no cash was recorded in 1344/45 or 1345/46,
or between 1349/50 and 1355/56. The highest amount delivered was 198 shillings in 1310/11.62 These ‘Cash deliveries’
[Liberacio denariorum] were counted as expenses in that they reduced the amount of cash left in the manager’s hands.

However, it was not only cash that was sent to the abbey. In most years some grain was carted there, and its value was
often greater than the cash deliveries. The amounts dispatched in 1280/81 and 1294/95 were exceptional.63 Poultry was
often sent, but their value has been omitted from the chart at the foot of the facing page as it was seldom sufficient to
register. The value of wool has been included – during the 1350s it could be quite substantial – and the value of cheeses
from the manorial dairy in the 1290s before the dairy was leased at farm (see pages 67, 75). ‘Foreign expenses’ have
also been charted, except where they covered the expenses of visiting officials from the abbey, as the money involved
had been spent on the abbey’s behalf on matters unconnected with the manor (see page 174). The value of grain sent
to other manors belonging to the abbey has also been shown, as it could otherwise have been sent to the abbey (see
pages 168-171). The value of livestock sent to other manors has been omitted from the chart as it would be difficult
to calculate, the value depending on the quality of the animals, often described as old, weak, or sterile. The value of
grain and livestock received from other manors ought to be deducted, as should ‘foreign’ receipts, but the figure is
insignificant. Perhaps cash in hand – that would appear as arrears in the next account – should also have been included
as a guide towards the manor’s potential value. In the 14th century arrears were seldom left unpaid for more than a
year or so, but by the mid-15th century arrears began to accumulate, reducing the manor’s real value (see page 141).

A few accounts include a statement of the ‘profits’ [proficuum]64 or ‘value’ [valor]65 of the manor, and these became
more frequent after the demesne was leased. The potential value of the leased estate is easily calculated by deducting
expenses from potential income (see page 143), but the basis of declared values before 1359 is less obvious. They are
plotted on the chart opposite, but bear little resemblance to actual income received by the abbey. Perhaps money
invested in new buildings, or in soil improvement, should be included here, as in accounts from some other manors.66

The account rolls for 1355/56 and 1356/57 provide a glimpse into how the auditors calculated the value of the manor.
In 1359 the demesne would be leased at farm, and the following notes were probably part of the process in deciding
whether to lease, and how much ‘farm’ to charge.

In the 1355/56 account the ‘balance’ is followed by these three comments: ‘Value of this manor with wool 100s. Able
to be levied at the same place apart from wool and land and meadow £8 7s. Profit of the manor this year £8 3s 4d’.67

The £8 7s ‘able to be levied’ [levabilis] is matched in the accounts by the following entries:

net rents (after deduction of acquittances and rent paid out) £6 14s 8¼d

profits of manorial courts £1 2s 7d

issues of the manor (no income this year from lands and meadows normally leased) 6s 3d

sale of dead stock (excluding wool fells and some lambs’ skins) 3s 6d

£8 7s 0¼d

The following year the auditors noted: ‘Cash raised by works and customary extents, rents, farms, profits of court and
surplus stock sold £11 7s 10¼d’.68 The total cash due from rents, farms, courts, sales of labour services and live and
dead stock was £12 11s 1½d, but 19s 6½d was acquitted from rents no longer able to be collected, and 4s was paid out
in rent for Kynnersley land, leaving a total of £11 7s 7d.

In 1086 the abbey’s estate at Morden was valued at £10, though it paid £15 (see pages 3, 188).69 In 1225 the manor
of Morden’s contribution to the expenses of the abbey kitchen was also said to be £10 (see page 89). A comparative
working average for later periods can be calculated by dividing the total value of foreign expenses and cash and
produce delivered to Westminster and its manors by the number of years that accounts are extant. The average for
1280-1359 is £10 13s 0d a year, after a century of inflation (see page 188), and for 1388-1502 £10 3s. The equivalent
for the rectory 1301-1359 is £7 9s 7d, and 1388-1412 £6 5s 10d. However, rectory accounts only survive for 13 and
15 years respectively. In 1086, the abbey’s total net annual income was c.£515, but by 1535 it had reached c.£2,800, so
Morden’s contribution had become negligible.70

Efficiency

Christopher Dyer warns against being ‘censorious and over-critical in making judgements about medieval demesnes.
… Rather than judging [the manorial managers] by modern standards, we should appreciate the way in which they
managed their affairs in difficult circumstances’.71

The management systems seem to have been satisfactory. If a local estate manager could not be found, a professional
would be appointed, often one with experience in managing other estates belonging to the abbey (see page 93). The
monks maintained overall control through the monk-bailiffs and the auditors, who were thorough in checking the
accounts and who did not hesitate to introduce changes when they thought it necessary (see pages 89, 194-5). Even
when the demesne was leased at farm, the abbey kept a close watch on the running of the estate (see pages 141, 143).

Buildings and equipment were maintained and improved. When funds allowed there was investment in new buildings,
often at considerable cost – the new mill in 1312, the new cart-house and stable in 1303/04, the sheephouse in the
1350s (see pages 11, 15). Several buildings were overhauled before the demesne was leased and a maintenance clause
was written in (see page 145). Soon after the rectory was appropriated the chancel underwent repair and further work
followed, such as the new east window installed in 1356 and the tiling of the roof between 1405 and 1407 (see page 161).

The yield of crops was low, but there is evidence that some attempt was made to improve the soil by marling and
manuring (see page 113). The balance between arable and livestock was enhanced slightly (see pages 112-3), and the
custom of folding tenants’ livestock on the fallow provided additional manure for the demesne, though the tenants’
own lands lost out. Other improvements included a slight increase in the planting of legumes (see page 47), some
investment in seed from outside the manor (see page 35) and an increase in the density of sowing (see page 37). The
rotation of crops and the use of extended fallow allowed some recovery of the land. The variety of crops sown and their
dispersal over various lands provided some insurance against seasonal disruption and crop failures (see page 33). We
might wonder why greater efforts were not made to increase productivity. Scholars suggest that the potential increase
in returns was insufficient to persuade landlords to invest more heavily in cereal production, especially during periods
when prices were low.72

Interchange between the abbey’s manors provided an effective way to meet local shortfalls of grain and to dispose of
surpluses (see pages 168-171). Livestock too could be moved from manor to manor as necessary, and the mid 14th-
century developments in sheep breeding, while not entirely successful, were a determined response to the post-plague
problems of low demand for arable land and high labour costs (see page 71).

Although the abbey was keen to maintain the status quo, and was slow to accept inevitable changes, particularly with
regard to serfdom and labour services, it was not inflexible in every way. The switch from leasing to direct management
of the demesne around the end of the 12th century and the return to a new system of leasing the demesne in the mid
14th century were fundamental changes (see page 188), but individual areas of the manorial economy were leased at
different periods – surplus demesne land (see page 33), the mill (see page 17), the poultry (see page 79), and the dairy
(see page 67). When plague prevented the continued leasing of the dairy it was quickly taken under direct management
until matters could be sorted out.

The Black Death caused severe disruption to the running of the estate, but new arrangements were soon in place for
leasing many of the vacant holdings. First small plots were leased, then whole units, and ultimately a new heritable
tenure was introduced without the burden of customary labour services (see pages 105, 181).

The final century of monastic ownership of the estate was full of difficulties. Arrears accumulated, powerful tenants
refused to accept the authority of the manorial officials, rents had to be reduced, compromises made (see pages 141,
190). But surprisingly little changed under the new lay ownership. The final lease was not surrendered until 1568, but
the demesne continued to be farmed by lessees, though it was split into smaller farms in the late 16th century. The
manorial centre, though remodelled over the years, and used for a variety of purposes, was still at the heart of the
manorial economy into the 20th century, and still retains its importance in the community (see page 7).

This study has explored the manorial economy of Morden over a period of some 300 years. There were many changes
during that time – changes in society, changes in the economy, changes at a national level and changes at the local
level. Lifestyles altered. There were changes in diet, with more demand for meat and for wheat, rather than the cheaper
cereals. There were technological changes, with horses taking on work previously done by oxen (see page 57). There
were social changes, as wealthy London merchants invested in property in the countryside. There were changes in
religious practice as reformers introduced new forms of worship and new understandings of doctrine.

But there was continuity as well. The demands of the agricultural year could not be disregarded. The cycle of births,
marriages and deaths, though interrupted by famine and pestilence, continued undeterred. The demands of governments,
landlords and employers may change in detail, but not in essence.

Much in this study seems strange to the 21st-century eye. And yet much seems surprisingly familiar.

203

NOTES AND REFERENCES

Another medieval doodle

from WAM 27380, account of John Attwell, farmer of the demesne of Morden, 1495-96

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

204 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

ABBREVIATIONS

AgHR The Agricultural History Review

AHD The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Third Edition copyright © 1992 by Houghton
Mifflin Company. Electronic version licensed from InfoSoft International, Inc.

Astill & Grant Greville Astill and Annie Grant (ed) The Countryside of Medieval England (1988, 2002)

Bailey M Bailey The English Manor c.1200-c.1500 (2002)

Bennett H S Bennett Life on the English Manor (1937, 1960)

Birch W de G Birch Cartularium Saxonicum iii (1893)

BL British Library

Bod Bodleian Library Oxford MS Top Surrey d.4 (R)

Britnell Richard Britnell (ed) The Winchester Pipe Rolls and Medieval English Society (2003)

CCCC The Parker Library, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge

Clark M F Clark Medieval Teddington: The Story of a Manor of Westminster Abbey in the 14th Century (1999)

CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls (accessed from University of Iowa and LDS Family Search websites)

CUL Cambridge University Library Kk 5.29

DB Ann Williams & G H Martin (eds) Domesday Book: A Complete Translation (Penguin 2002)

Dyer Christopher Dyer Making a Living in the Middle Ages: The People of Britain 850-1520 (2002)

EcHR Economic History Review

Edington S F Hockey The Register of William Edington Bishop of Winchester 1346-1366 I (1986)

ERO Essex Record Office

Farmer D Farmer ‘Grain Yields on Westminster Abbey Manors, 1271-1410’ in Canadian Journal of History
(December 1983) pp.331-348

FF Feet of Fines Surrey, published as Pedes Finium – Surrey Archaeological Collections Extra Volume 1 (1894)

Fisher J L Fisher A Medieval Farming Glossary of Latin and English Words – 2nd edition revised by A & R Powell (1997)

Fitznells C A F Meekings & Philip Shearman (eds) Fitznells Cartulary SRS XXVI (1968)

Flete John Flete The History of Westminster Abbey (mid 15th century) ed J Armitage Robinson (1909)

Fryde E B Fryde Peasants and Landlords in Later Medieval England (1996)

Gover et al Gover J E B, Mawer M, and Stenton F M, The Place Names of Surrey English Place Names Society XI (1934)

B Harvey (1977) Barbara Harvey Westminster Abbey and its Estates in the Middle Ages (1977)

B Harvey (2002) Barbara Harvey The Obedientiaries of Westminster Abbey and their Financial Records, c.1275-1540 (2002)

P Harvey P D A Harvey Manorial Records of Cuxham, Oxfordshire circa 1200-1359 (1976)

Homans G C Homans English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century (1941, 1968, 1975)

HRO Hampshire Record Office

Kemble J M Kemble Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici ii (1840), vi (1848)

Langdon (1986) John Langdon Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation (1986, 2002)

Langdon (2004) John Langdon Mills in the Medieval Economy (2004)

Latham R E Latham Revised Medieval Word-List (1965-1999)

Livermore T L Livermore The Story of Morden and its Churches (1968)

Livermore & Rudd T L Livermore The Story of Morden and its Churches (1968, revised by W J Rudd 1983, updated and reprinted 1993)

LMA London Metropolitan Archives

Lysons D Lysons Environs of London

M&B O Manning and W Bray History and Antiquities of Surrey

MHS Merton Historical Society

MHS LHN 13 MHS Local History Notes 13: Morden in 1838 – The Tithe Apportionment Map (1998)

Montague E N Montague Mitcham Histories 10: Ravensbury (2008)

OED The Oxford English Dictionary (online edition)

Pearce E H Pearce The Monks of Westminster, being a register of the brethren of the convent from the time of the
Confessor to the Dissolution (1916)

Pontissara Cecil Deedes (ed) Registers of John de Pontissara, Bishop of Winchester SRS I (1913)

Register Cecil Deedes (ed) Register or Memorial of Ewell (1913)

Rich A Rich The Illustrated Companion to the Latin Dictionary and Greek Lexicon (1849)

Salzman L F Salzman Building in England down to 1540: a Documentary History (1952)

Sawyer P H Sawyer Anglo-Saxon Charters: An annotated List and Bibliography (1968)

SHC Surrey History Centre

SAL Society of Antiquaries of London MS 555

SRS Surrey Record Society

Stratford Roy Martin Haines (ed) The Register of John de Stratford, Bishop of Winchester, 1323-1333 I SRS XLII (2010)

SyAC Surrey Archaeological Collections

Thorpe B Thorpe Diplomatarium Anglicum Aevi Saxonici (1865)

TNA The National Archives

TPN S Ayscough and J Caley (ed) Taxatio ecclesiastica Angliae et Wallia auctoritate P. Nicholai IV, c.A.D.1291
(Record Commission 1802)

VCH Victoria County History of Surrey

VE Valor Ecclesiasticus 2 (1814)

WAM Westminster Abbey Muniments

WD ‘Westminster Domesday’ – WAM Book 11

Widmore R Widmore An History of the Church of St Peter, Westminster (1751)

WPR 1302 Mark Page (ed) The Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester 1301-2 (Hampshire Record Series 14) (1996)

WPR 1410 Mark Page (ed) The Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester 1409-10 (Hampshire Record Series 16) (1999)

Webb Cliff Webb Abstracts of Wills in Archdeaconry Court of Surrey 1480-1649 (West Surrey Family History
Society CD 34 (2013), originally published as microfiche MW 1-18)

Wykeham T F Kirby (ed) Wykeham’s Register I (1896)

NOTES AND REFERENCES 205

NOTES & REFERENCES

The manuscript sources

Most of the manuscript sources quoted below are available on the society’s website pages prepared to accompany
these studies at www.mertonhistoricalsociety.org.uk/morden-manorial-records. These include both translations
and images of the original document, by courtesy of the owners of the manuscripts.

PREFACE

1 Livermore preface

2 B Harvey (1977)

3 Fitznells p.xxvi; H G Richardson ‘A Norman Lawsuit’
in Speculum 7 (1932) p.383

4 Fitznells p.xxvi

5 www.mertonhistoricalsociety.org.uk/morden-
manorial-records

6 Bod

7 CUL

8 WAM 9287, BL Add Charter 8139

9 WAM 27384-90

10 WAM 1882, 29491

11 WD

WESTMINSTER ABBEY AND ITS ESTATE AT MORDEN

1 DB f.32v 6, p.77

2 WAM 9287, BL Add Charter 8139

3 See P M Barnes & C F Slade (ed) A Medieval
Miscellany for Doris Mary Stenton (1962)

4 WD 36v-38v, Sawyer 774, Kemble ii 483=555,
Thorpe p.219

5 B Harvey (1977) pp.22-3

6 WAM IX, WD 35-6v, Sawyer 1293, Birch 1050,
Kemble vi 1223; these authorities identify this as
Ewell in Kent

7 F Clayton The Registers of Morden (1901) pp.vii-viii,
Livermore p.1

8 D Whitelock English Historical Documents I (500-
1042) (1955) pp.548-50

9 TNA DL 10/25; DB f.190 2, p.521, f.44 20, p.105

10 The Morden Tithe register and map have been
published as MHS LHN 13

11 TNA C 66/75 m.3d. The origins of Ravensbury manor
are considered in a companion to this study, Medieval
Morden: Landscape and Landholding (in preparation).

12 WAM 27287-27375

13 WD 170; P Hopkins in MHS Bulletin 162 (June 2007)

14 WAM 27295

15 P Hopkins in MHS Bulletin 162 (June 2007)

16 WAM 9287, BL Add Charter 8139; C A F Meekings
The
1235 Surrey Eyre II (SRS 1983) pp.481-2, note
188, quoting Curia Regis Rolls XIV, nos 1346, 1841,
and Pipe Roll Soc, NS XLIII (1980, for 1971-3), nos
204-7, 247; WAM 1915*; WD 169b; A Heales The
Records of Merton Priory (1898) p.101 quoting FF 21
Hen III No 209

17 B Harvey (1977) p.78

18 SHC K85/2/8

19 WAM 9287, BL Add Charter 8139; for date and
origins see B Harvey (1977) p.104. The main
economic distinction between free and customary
tenants is that customary tenants owed weekly
labour services (see pp.105, 109). Tenurial and social
distinctions will be explored in later studies.

20 CUL

21 WAM Register 1 108-108v, 141v-142, Register 2 212

22 WAM Register 2 90

23 WAM 1840-1, 1846, 1853

24 WAM 1831-35, 1837-39, 1881

25 WAM 1875, 1912, 19961C, 30317, 1850; SHC K85/3/31

26 WAM 27384-90

27 BL Add Roll 56038-46, 19407

28 BL Add Ch 56048-50, Lambeth Archives 359 [273],
SHC G1/1/45, K85/3/32

29 SHC G1/1/43 & 49, 2575/2/5/1, K85/2/1-4, 2662/1

30 SHC K85/3/28 p.21, K85/3/30, etc

31 WAM 27321

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358,

ITS BUILDINGS AND EQUIPMENT

1 ‘Croft next to the Court’ containing 1 acre meadow,
2¾ acres pasture – CUL 39v-40

2 D Turner ‘Provisional list of moated sites in N.E.
Surrey’ SyAC 66, p.114; P Hopkins Moated Sites in
Merton, Mitcham and Morden (MHS 2016) pp.23-7

3 SHC K85/2/98-99; K85/2/104 & 353

4 Serviens is often translated as ‘serjeant’ but, as this
word has a number of specialist meanings, the Latin
term serviens has been retained throughout.

5 SHC K85/2/9; WAM 27374-5, SHC K85/2/22

6 SHC K85/2/12

7 SHC K85/2/21

8 SHC K85/3/28 p.32v

9 SHC K85/2/13 p.3

10 TNA Pat Ed VI pt xi

11 SHC K85/2/19

12 SHC K85/2/80

13 TNA A 4/9 f.68; SHC G1/1/50a; 2575/2/5/2-3; TNA
A 4/12 f.10v

14 SHC K85/2/16; TNA PROB 11/92/200

15 SHC K85/1/1 m.2

16 SHC K85/2/21-22

17 SHC K85/2/21; 2575/2/1/3

18 SHC K85/2/36

19 SHC 683/1

20 SHC K85/2/51-52

21 SHC K85/8/1

22 SHC K85/2/151

23 D Burns The Sheriffs of Surrey (1992) p.8

24 P J Hopkins in MHS Bulletin 162 (June 2007)

25 WD 169b-170, BL Cotton MS Cleopatra C.vii f.cxj v

26 Peter Hopkins Medieval Morden: Landscape and
Landholding (in preparation)

27 E M Jowett A History of Merton & Morden (1951)
p.31

28 Manuscripts & Special Collections, University of
Nottingham, Mi D 4680/3

29 TNA C 66/75 m.3

30 TNA C 139/11 (29) mm.5-6

31 TNA C 134/32 (18) m.3

32 SAL 4

33 TNA CP 25/1/229/49 no.9, CP 25/1/232/75 no.21,
formerly 22

34 Lysons I (1792) p.353; M&B II (1809) p.499 quoting
Cotton MSS. BM [now BL] Cleopatra C.vii ff.111,
112; VCH IV (1912) p.232 also quoting [BL] Cott.
MS. Cleop. vii. I am grateful to Dr Claire Breay, Lead
Curator, Medieval and Earlier Manuscripts, The
British Library, for her advice on the handwriting.

35 WAM 27284

36 WAM 27331

37 WAM 27305, 27313-4, 27318, 27331, Bod

38 WAM 27297, 27304; ‘stanchions’ was another name
for ‘studs’, ‘the smaller timbers which constituted
the framing of the walls between the posts, sills and
plates’ – Salzman pp.205-6

39 WAM 27327

40 WAM 27287, 27321, etc

41 WAM 27319, 27295-6

42 WAM 27287, 27293, 27303, 27319, 27321, 27326,
27344, 27369

43 WAM 27319

44 WAM 27306, 27318, 27326

45 SAL 1; c.f. WAM 27303; the abbreviation in the text
could refer to a pigsty [porcheria] but no pigs are
mentioned in the extant accounts between 1308 and
1335

46 WAM 27305

47 SAL 3, 6/7, 10, WAM 27310-11, 27333, Bod, etc

48 WAM 27293 mentions ‘making 2 perches of wall
beside the gate … [and] 1 perch of wall between the
hay-house and the cowshed’ under ‘Petty expenses’

49 WAM 27319, 27327

50 WAM 27287, 27314

51 WAM 27303, SAL 1

52 WAM 27287-9, 27292-5, 27302-3, 27306, 27311,
27314-9, 27321-2, 27324, 27327, 27331

53 WAM 27293

54 WAM 27319

55 WAM 27337

56 WAM 27314; fenestra could mean the window frame
or the shutter – Salzman p.256

57 WAM 27331

58 WAM 27306

59 SAL 15

60 WAM 27318

61 WAM 27324

62 WAM 27313

63 WAM 27304

64 WAM 27319; see also WAM 9298 m.1: the States of
the Manors roll for Michaelmas 1312

65 WAM 27331

66 WAM 27322, 27326, 27331, 27337

67 WAM 27291, 27295-6, 27298, 27303, 27305, 27310-
11, 27313, 27315

68 SAL 13, WAM 27321

69 SAL 6/7, WAM 27319, 27323, 27327, 27331

70 WAM 27289, 27295, 27297, 27305, 27310, 27318,
27337

71 WAM 27289, 27319

72 WAM 27327; an earlier sheep-house is mentioned
between 1282 and 1302 – WAM 27284, 27289,
27293, 27295-6

73 WAM 27319, 27310

74 WAM 27292, 27310, 27315

75 WAM 27331

76 WAM 27297

77 WAM 27319, 27333; ‘it is often impossible to be
certain whether the process alluded to is daubing or
whitewashing’ – Salzman p.190

78 WAM 19855-6

79 VE p.37; similarly Westminster Abbey’s assessment
recorded in VE I (1810) p.416 includes income from
farm of its mills in Battersea but makes no mention
of any mill at Morden

80 SHC K85/2/12; c.f. K85/2/4 for a similar list for a
separate property

81 WAM 9287, CUL, WAM 27282-3, 27287-8, 27304,
27307, 27311-2, 27317, 27326-7, 27331, 27337, SAL
4-5, 10

82 WAM 27317, 27369

83 WAM 27287, 27292, 27297, 27304, 27311-2, 27317,
27321, 27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27337, Bod

84 SHC 212/9/2 m.3

85 SHC K85/2/94

86 ‘Plan of the Part of the River Wandel in the Parish
of Morden and County of Surrey survey’d 1750’ in
Merton Local Studies Centre

87 Museum of London Archaeology Morden Hall
Park, London MHD10: Post-excavation report for
the archaeological watching brief (turbine and cable
trench) December 2012. I am grateful to David Saxby
of MoLA for giving me access to this report.

88 SHC K85/2/98-105, 353

89 CUL 40

90 SAL 1, WAM 27304; the ‘Issues of the manor’
account in WAM 27304 records ‘For ploughing-
service sold at the time of sowing barley, nothing
this year because of carrying [carag’] clay [argille] to
the mill’.

91 SAL 2, 3, 6-7, 10, 15, WAM 27303-05; 27306,
27310-19, 27321-24, 27326-27, 27329, 27331,
27333, 27335, 27335, Bod

92 SHC K85/4/171; ‘Perambulation of the Boundary
Line of the Parish of Mitcham, County of Surrey;
on Thursday 16th May 1833’ by Edwin Chart,
published by MHS as Local History Notes – 26:
Beating the Bounds

93 WAM 27304, WAM 27317; Langdon (2004) p.82
note 76

94 Latham p.42; his Dictionary of Medieval Latin from
British Sources fascicule I: A-B (1975) similarly
defines baia as ‘mill dam’

95 The earliest source for tumbling-bay quoted in OED
is from 1724

96 WAM 27304; SAL 1

97 Surprisingly there is no mention of the Morden mill
in the Aldenham account roll for this year, though
there are entries for timber for mills at Battersea and
at Westminster – WAM 26063

98 WAM 9298 m.1

99 c.f. WAM 27287, 27292, 27312; see Langdon (2004)
p.88

100 WAM 27295-7, 27317, 27321; John Vince, Mills and
Millwrighting (Shire Album 33 (1978)) p.7

101 Langdon (2004) p.88 note 94; c.f. WAM 27295,
27297, 27302; Latham gives one meaning of lectus
as ‘socket (of the millstone)’, but that cannot be the
meaning here.

102 WAM 27297, SAL 2

103 WAM 27283, 27290, 27297, 27304, 27318-9, 27322,
27326, Bod

104 WAM 27319

105 WAM 27333

106 WAM 27304

107 WAM 27295, 27297-8, 27300, 27304, 27310, 27317,
27319, 27321, SAL 2

108 WAM 27289, 27292, 27294, 27304, 27315

109 WAM 27319

110 WAM 27316; Langdon (2004) pp.95-6

111 WAM 27304, 27312

112 WAM 27298, (27310), 27319; see Langdon (2004)
illustration p.71 and description p.95

113 WAM 27295, 27297, 27301, SAL 10

114 WAM 27293; c.f. ‘neck’ SAL 10

115 WAM 27314, 27321

116 WAM 27316

117 WAM 27293, 27297

118 WAM 27293; SAL 2, WAM 27321, 27333

119 WAM 27287, 27297, 27293

120 WAM 27297; Langdon (2004) pp.84, 87, 90 suggests
that ladles and featherboards indicate undershot
wheels, whereas shovels and buckets indicate
overshot wheels! Fisher p.41 defines sterte as ‘start,
inner section of mill-wheel bucket’.

121 WAM 27304, 27319

122 WAM 27304; see Martin Watts The Archaeology of
Mills & Milling (2002) p.93

123 WAM 27297, 27299, 27300, 27304

124 WAM 27337; see Langdon (2004) p.93

125 WAM 27316; see Langdon (2004) p.93

126 WAM 27314, 27321

127 WAM 27293, 27295-7, 27299, 27301, 27304

128 WAM 27314; see Langdon (2004) p.93

129 WAM 27304

130 WAM 27304

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

131 Langdon (2004) p.88 note 94; c.f. WAM 27295,
27297, 27302; Latham gives one meaning of lectus
as ‘socket (of the millstone)’, but that cannot be the
meaning here

132 Langdon (2004) p.89

133 WAM 27326-7, 27333

134 WAM 27311

135 WAM 27317, 27321, 27337, Bod

136 WAM 27297, 27333

137 WAM 27327, 27331, 27333

138 OED

139 WAM 27335

140 WAM 27293; c.f. WAM 27295, Bod

141 WAM 27295

142 WAM 27297

143 WAM 27295, 27297, 27314, 27317

144 WAM 27319

145 WAM 27319

146 WAM 27333

147 WAM 27333

148 Bod

149 WAM 27297, 27300, 27317, 27322-4, SAL 1, 6/7

150 WAM 27319

151 WAM 27297, 27304, 27322, 27326, Bod

152 WAM 27297, SAL 2

153 WAM 27302, 27321

154 WAM 27302

155 WAM 27299, 27316

156 WAM 27326

157 WAM 27304, 27317

158 WAM 27282, 27287-9, 27293-4, 27299-300, 27303-
4, SAL 1

159 WAM 27282-5, 27287-9, 27292-5, 27297-305,
27311-12, 27314, 27316-9, 27321, 27323-4, 27326-
7, 27333, 27335, 27337, SAL 2-3, 6/7, 13, 10, 15, Bod

160 John Langdon ‘Agricultural equipment’ in Astill &
Grant p.89

161 Langdon (1986) p.140

162 Langdon (1986) p.129

163 John Langdon ‘Agricultural equipment’ in Astill &
Grant p.88

164 WAM 27316-9, Bod

165 WAM 27289, 27304-5, 27310, 27312, SAL 3

166 SAL 2-3, WAM 27314, 27316-9, 27323-4, 27326-7,
27335

167 WAM 27292, 27319, 27321-4, 27326-7, 27329,
27331

168 WAM 27331, 27333

169 OED; WAM 27331 – or is this ‘richos’ related to the
word ‘to tug’, referring to the part of the plough to
which the oxen were attached? – Dr Mark Page in a
personal communication 8.7.06

170 WAM 27316, 27331; see OED (I am grateful to Dr
Mark Page for this reference)

171 WAM 27300, 27320; 27314

172 WAM 27293-5, 27300, 27303, 27306, 27310-14,
27316-8, 27320-1, 27323, 27326-7, 27331, SAL1, 3,
6/7, 15, Bod

173 WAM 27335, 27337

174 WPR 1302 p.371

175 WAM 27282-5, 27287-27306, 27310-12, 27323-4,
27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27335, SAL 1-3, 6/7, 13, 10,
15, Bod

176 c.f. SAL 2, WAM 27323, 27326-7

177 WAM 27288, 27327, 27331

178 WAM 27316 etc

179 SAL 9/11; WAM 27297, 27299

180 WAM 27297, 27312, 27319, 27326, 27337; 27294-5,
27300, 27320, SAL 1,9/11; Langdon (1986) p.154

181 SAL 1

182 WAM 27335

183 WAM 27304, 27306

184 WAM 27288, 27316, 27331

185 WAM 27326

186 WAM 27289

187 WAM 27377; WAM 27300, 27304, 27316, 27320-1,
27331, 27333

188 WAM 27282, 27288-9, 27291-5, 27297, 27302-4,
27306, 27311-14, 27316-19, 27321-3, 27326-7,
27329, 27331, 27333, 27335, SAL 1-2, 10, 15, Bod

189 WAM 27321; WPR 1302 p.374

190 WPR 1302 p.371

191 WAM 27282-5, 27288-9, 27291-5, 27297-300,
27302-6, 27310-19, 27321-4, 27326-7, 27329,
27331, 27333, 27335, 27337, SAL 1-3, 6/7, 13, 10,
15, Bod

192 WAM 27291, 27324; AHD

193 WAM 27282, 27288-9, 27291-5, 27297, 27302,
27313, 27316-19, 27321-3, 27327, 27329, 27331,
27333, 27335, 27337, SAL 2-3, 6/7

194 WAM 27300, 27303-6, 27311, SAL 1; SAL 9/11,
WAM 27320

195 WAM 27292, 27294-5, 27297, 27300, 27302, 27311,
27313, Bod, SAL 1, 6/7

196 WAM 27297

197 WAM 27282, 28288, 27292, 27294, 27297, 27311,
27313-5

198 WAM 27316, 27337

199 WAM 27337; WAM 27292-3; WAM 27288, 27291,
27298, 27304, 27310-14, 27316-9, 27321-3, Bod,
SAL 2

200 WAM 277283-4, 27291, 27293, 27295, 27297,
27304, 27306, 27311, 27314, 27316-9, 27322, 27331,
27335, SAL 2, 6/7, 15, Bod; WPR 1410 p.454

201 WAM 27282-3, 27288, 27291-3, 27317, 27319,
27329, 27331, SAL 2, 15

202 WAM 27288

203 SAL 2-3, 6/7, WAM 27306, 27314, 27316-8, 27326,
Bod

204 WAM 27314, 27317, 27333

205 WAM 27321, 27323, 27327, 27337

206 WAM 27293

207 WAM 27323

208 WAM 27283-4, 27287-9, 27291, 27293-5, 27297,
27304, 27306, 27310, 27316-9, 27322, 27324, 27326,
27331, 27333, 27335, 27337, SAL 2, 23, 6/7

209 WAM 27282-3, 27287-8, 27294, 27300, 27302,
27306, 27319-20, SAL 1-2

210 WAM 27294

211 WAM 27291

212 WAM 27291

213 WAM 27304

214 Bod

215 WAM 27335

216 WAM 27306

217 WAM 27331

218 SAL 2

219 WAM 27318, 27321

220 OED

221 SAL 1

222 WAM 27292, 27294-5, 27297-8, 27300

223 WAM 27320; Rich p.718

224 WAM 27312, 27320, SAL 9/11

225 WAM 27323

226 WAM 27294, 27298, 27306

227 WAM 27321

228 WAM 27315

229 WAM 27282, 27289, 27292, 27295, 27297, 27311-2,
27316-7, 27326, 27333, 27335, Bod

230 WAM 27290, 27292, 27298, 27305, 27323

231 WAM 27282

232 WAM 27291

233 WAM 27327

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

234 WAM 27290, 27294-5, 27297-8, 27302, 27305,
27310-14, 27317-8, 27326, SAL 2

235 SAL 9, 11; WAM 27319, 27327, 27333, 27335; Rich
p.712

236 WAM 27288-9, 27291, 27298, 27305, 27312, 27314,
27317-9, 27323-4, 27335, SAL 2; Rich p.684

237 WAM 27289

238 WAM 27289

239 WAM 27323 (or were they cart-rails?)

240 WAM 27288-90, 27314

241 WAM 27293, 27315, 27318, 27319, 27323, 27326

242 WAM 27317, 27327, 27333

243 John Langdon ‘Agricultural equipment’ in Astill &
Grant p.91

244 WAM 27288, 27292, 27297-8, 27306, 27311, 27313-
4, 27316, 27318, 27321, 27331, SAL 2

245 WAM 27289, 27293, 27303, 27310, 27315, Bod

246 WAM 27315

247 SAL 2, WAM 27310

248 WAM 27321, 27326

249 WAM 27282-4, 27287, 27289, 27292-5, 27297-300,
27302

250 WAM 27322

251 WAM 27322

252 WAM 27282-3

253 WAM 27298

254 WAM 27289, 27298

255 WAM 27322; for more detailed descriptions of the
various vessels listed, including illustrations of some
Classical forms, see Rich

256 WAM 27297, 27322

257 WAM 27282-4, 27287-8, 27294, 27297, 27300,
27322

258 WAM 27282, 27284

259 WAM 27285, 27288, 27300, 27312, 27326, SAL 2

260 SAL 2

261 WAM 27311

262 SAL 2, WAM 27312, 27335, 27336

263 SAL 2

264 WAM 27326

265 WAM 27306

266 WAM 27316

267 WAM 27311

268 WAM 27306

269 WAM 27294, 27306, 27316, 27319, 27335

270 WAM 27316

271 WAM 27297, 27300

272 WAM 27323

273 WAM 27294, 27300, SAL 1, 13

274 WAM 27289

275 WAM 27289; Rich p.247 explains that the word refers
to ‘a large-mouthed, round, full-bellied earthenware
vessel, of great capacity … The great size of these vessels
is testified by the fact that Diogenes lived in one.’ The
Classical spelling is dolium.

276 WAM 27293

277 WAM 27289, 27293

278 WAM 27297

279 WAM 27291

280 WAM 27289, 27293, 27306

281 Bod

282 WAM 27283

283 WAM 27306, 27337

284 WAM 27287

285 WAM 27293, 27297

286 WAM 27294, 27295, 27300, 27320, SAL 1, 9 &11

287 SAL 11

288 SAL 9

289 for the different varieties of nails see Salzman
pp.303-17

290 see Salzman p.243

291 see p.11 and Salzman pp.295-303

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

THE MANORIAL CENTRE 1280-1358

Classical examples of items listed in the
account rolls and inventories, from Rich.

Medieval forms may have varied from these.

olla

cribrum

patella

vanna

bipalium,
similar to
vanga

furca

doleum/dolium

1 CUL

2 John Field A History of English Field-names (1993)

3 Gretyngg – Account Rolls give sr’ le Buttes atte
Greteheges (WAM 27310), in le Buttes subter le
Greteheg’ (WAM 27311), sup’ le Buttes atte Greteheys
(WAM 27312), sup’ la Buttes de la Gretehegge (Bod),
sr’ le Bottes apud le Grettehegge (WAM 27313), in
buttes sr’ le Gretehegg’ (WAM 27314), in the Boutte’
sr’ le Grettehegg’ (WAM 27316-7), in le Buttes sr’ le
Gretteheg’ (WAM 27319), in le Buttes sup’ le Gretteheg
(WAM 27322), in Bottes atte Gretehegg’ (WAM
27318), in le Buttes sup’ le Gretehengg (WAM 27324),
in le Buttes sup’ le Gretheheg (WAM 27331), in le
Buttes sr’ le Greteheg’ (WAM 27337).

4 E Ekwall The Oxford Dictionary of English Place-
names (1936, 1951)

5 London Ecology Unit Nature Conservation in Merton
(1998) pp.3, 6, 80 and map inside front cover (fig.1)

6 M Gelling Place-Names in the Landscape (1984,
2000) pp.235-45

7 Published as MHS LHN 13

8 SHC K85/2/45

9 The court rolls for the manor of Merton from 1485
to 1666 are at London Metropolitan Archives (ref
CLC/MD/F/016E/MS34100/205), and those from
1701 to 1928 at the John Innes Centre at Colney near
Norwich (ref TD1513/1-9). Both sets have been
microfilmed, and copies have been deposited with
Surrey History Centre. Merton Historical Society
also has a copy of each film.

10 SHC K85/2/116

11 SHC K85/2/16

12 SHC K85/2/73, K85/2/302

13 SHC K85/2/170, SHC 2575/2/5/5; SHC K85/2/17

14 SHC 2575/2/7/3, G1/1/48, K85/2/51

15 SHC K85/2/73, K85/2/302

16 SHC K85/2/178-192

17 SHC K85/2/73, K85/2/303a

18 SHC K85/2/16

19 SHC K85/2/51, K85/2/59, K85/2/62

20 SHC K85/2/51

21 MHS LHN 13

22 SHC K85/3/28 p.32v, K85/2/21-22, K85/2/51

23 SHC K85/2/16; K85/2/51, K85/2/59, K85/2/62

24 MHS LHN 13

25 WAM 27287 onwards; SHC K85/3/5, K85/2/49,
K80/5/23-30, 303; MHS LHN13

26 SHC K85/3/5

27 SHC K85/2/8; see MHS LHN 13 plots 183, 188-190,
192-201

28 TNA E 164/25 f.cclxxxvij: Chertsey Cartulary (SRS
XII (cont), 1958) II. i. p.131

29 James Greig ‘Plant Resources’ in Astill & Grant p.113

30 WAM 27292 onwards; SAL 15 and WAM 27310
onwards

31 WAM 27311, 27315, 27326, 27335; 27313, 27322

32 WAM 27317

33 WAM 27310-19, 27314, 27317, 27322

34 WAM 27316

35 WAM 27313-27316

36 CUL 39v

37 WAM 27323-4, 27326

38 WAM 27321-4, 27326, 27329, 27331

39 WAM 27291 onwards

40 SAL 13

41 WAM 27289 onwards; WAM 27317 onwards

42 c.f. Bailey p.103

43 c.f. Farmer Tables Ia-d

44 W H Beveridge ‘Wheat Measures in the Winchester
Rolls’ EHR 5 (1930) found just one example of the
eighth bushel being left unstruck on the Bishop of
Winchester’s manors.

45 WAM 27321, 27327; WAM 27325

46 WAM 27321, 27319; H E Hallam ‘The Climate of
Eastern England 1250-1350’ in AgHR 32 pt 2 (1984)
p.125

47 WAM 27295

48 The years have been chosen to match those in
Farmer. My figures do include calculated acres
sown based on the auditor’s stated yields. Farmer
only calculated yields per acre when there were
consecutive accounts. Morden was not one of the
Westminster Abbey manors in Farmer’s case study.

49 c.f. Farmer Table II

50 c.f. Farmer Tables IIIa (i-ii)

51 WAM 27315-6, 27319, 27327

52 WAM 27294, 27314, 27321, 27323-4, 27335, 27337

53 WAM 27289, 27297, 27299, 27306, 27310-11,
27314, 27316, 27321-2, 27327, 27333; WAM 27323,
27326, 27331

54 WAM 27289, 27297

55 Mixtilio is nowadays usually rendered as ‘maslin’,
but in these documents ‘maslin’ has been used to
translate mixtura, a mixture of various grains served
to servants.

56 WAM 27295-27305 , 27319, 27321-4, 27326-7

57 WAM 27313

58 WAM 27310, 27304, 27314, 27321-3, 27327

59 WAM 27289, 27310, SAL 1, 12, 14, 15

60 Ian Mortimer The Time Traveller’s Guide to Medieval
England (2008) p.166; datasegment.com – online
dictionary

61 WAM 27316, 27323

62 WAM 27326, 27331-2

63 See also B Harvey (1977) p.144 & note 1

64 WAM 27327-8

65 Christopher Dyer ‘Documentary Evidence’ in Astill
and Grant pp.26, 31; James Greig ‘Plant Resources’
ibid p.125

66 Farmer c.f. Table IIIb

67 Christopher C Thornton ‘The Level of Arable
Productivity on the Bishopric of Winchester’s
Manor of Taunton, 1283-1348’ in Britnell p.123

68 WAM 27282, 27323, 27331, 27333, 27337,
27331

69 WAM 27319, 27321-2

70 WAM 27306

71 WAM 27314, 27316-9, 27321, 27324, 27326

72 WAM 27289, 27293, 27294

73 WAM 27282

74 WAM 27289; a cask contained c.120 gallons (545.5
litres) – WPR 1302 p.375

75 WAM 27290-27295

76 WAM 27292

77 WAM 27294; Bod

78 WAM 27320

THE LAND AND ITS CROPS 1280-1358

THE LAND AND ITS CROPS 1280-1358

79 CUL 39v

80 WAM 27304

81 J Stevenson The Church Historians of England II.i:
The Chronicle of Florence of Worcester (1853) p.380

82 WAM 27319, 27321, 27289

83 WAM 27295, 27297, 27300

84 Bennett pp.80, 83, 85

85 WAM 27295, 27297, 27299-300, 27302, 27306, SAL
1, 6

86 WAM 27304, 27305

87 WAM 27291, 27292, 27319

88 WAM 27301; WAM 27310, 27311, 27314, 27317,
27318, 27321, 27337

89 James Greig ‘Plant Resources’ in Astill & Grant p.112

90 WAM 27324-5, 27332; 27328; 27286

91 WAM 27295, 27294, 27298, 27317

92 CUL 40

93 BL Add Roll 56045 6v

94 WAM 9287; WAM 27282-27287, especially 27285

95 WAM 27288 onwards

96 WAM 27288-89, 27291-92, 27294-95, 27297; SAL
1-3, 6/7, 13/10, 15, WAM 27303-6, 27310-12,
27314-22, Bod

97 SAL 6/7, 10, WAM 27310

98 SAL 2, 3, 6-7, 10, 15, WAM 27303-05; 27306,
27310-19, 27321-24, 27326-27, 27329, 27331,
27333, 27335, 27335, Bod

99 WAM 27323, 27327, 27329, 27331, 27333, 27335,
27337, 27339

100 SAL6-7, 10, 15, WAM 27335

101 SAL 3, WAM 27313

102 WAM 27303-05; 27306, 27310-19, 27321-24,
27326-27, 27329, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27335, Bod

103 SAL 2, 6/7

104 WAM 27298, 27292, 27302, 27304, 27305

105 WAM 27319, 27295-99, 27305, 27322, 27333, 27335

106 WAM 27311

107 WAM 27311

108 SHC 2575/2/7/5

109 Lambeth Archives 273

110 TNA MPB 1/25/1-2

111 SHC K85/2/51-52

112 SHC K85/2/71

113 MHS LHN 13

114 BL Add Roll 56045 4v, 56046 6r, 56047 1r, SHC
K85/2/2

115 SHC 2575/2/7/1

116 SHC K85/2/116

117 SHC K85/2/51-52

118 Lambeth Archives 273; SHC 2575/2/7/1, 2575/2/5/5

119 Lambeth Archives 273; SHC K85/2/2

120 WAM 27289-91, 27295, 27300, 27303-5; WAM
27333, 27335-6; 27319, 27363

121 eg WAM 27297, 27304, 27311, 27317-8, 27321,
27369

122 WAM 27305

123 eg WAM 27293, 27295, 27298, 27314

124 WAM Register 1, 108, 141b-142, Register 2 212

125 BL Add Roll 56038-40, 56045-6, 19407

126 BL Add Roll 56038 5r, 56039 17v, 19407 4r

127 BL Add Roll 56039 7v, 19407 16r, 56045 3v

128 WAM 27319, 27298

1 Langdon (1986)

2 WAM 27326

3 WAM 27317, 27333

4 WAM 27312

5 WAM 27335

6 WAM 27319

7 WAM 27335, Bod, WAM 27323-4, 27337

8 WAM 27313, 27315-6, 27327

9 WAM 27282-4, 27292, 27303-5, 27312

10 WAM 27316

11 Bod

12 Langdon (1986) pp.51-2

13 SAL 3, 6-7, WAM 27306

14 Langdon (1986) p.96

15 WAM 27295, 27297, 27300, 27302

16 SAL 1, WAM 27303-6

17 SAL 6-7, 3

18 WAM 27319, 27321

19 SAL 1, WAM 27301-2

20 SAL 1, WAM 27306 (x2), SAL 13/10, SAL 15, WAM
27322; Bod

21 WAM 27304, 27318

22 WAM 27313

23 WAM 27319, 27321

24 WAM 27295, 27300, 27304, 27314, 27319, 27322,
27333

25 WAM 27300

26 WAM 27312, 27326, 27317, 27322-3, 27284, 27333

27 WAM 27287, 27294

28 SAL 13

29 WAM 27319, 27311

30 WAM 27333, 27303, 27288, 27289, 27310, 27313,
27314, 27339

31 WAM 27339

32 WAM 19854-7

33 WAM 27300

34 WAM 27311, 27323, 27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27337

35 WAM 27321

36 WAM 27303, 27323, Bod, WAM 27315, 27327,
27316, 27326, 27329, 27333, 27335

37 WAM 27294, 27300, 27303, 27305; Bod. Latham
translates gutta cadiva/caduca as ‘epilepsy’.

38 WAM 27302

39 WAM 27329

40 WAM 27294

41 WAM 27314

42 SAL 3, WAM 27327

43 SAL 3

44 WAM 27322-4, 27322, 27310

45 WAM 27287

46 WAM 27289

47 WAM 27316; 27292, 27313, 27299, 27303, 27305,
27323-4, 27327, 27329, 27331

48 WAM 27303, 27317

49 WAM 27284

50 Langdon (1986) p.293n – see WAM 27321, 27337

51 WAM 27315

52 WAM 27316-8

53 SAL 3

54 D V Stern A Hertfordshire Demesne of Westminster
Abbey: Profits, Productivity and Weather (1999) p.137

55 WAM 27289-90, 27292-3

56 WAM 27282-5, 27287-9, 27291-27301

57 WAM 27294

58 WAM 27295

59 WPR 1302 p.377

60 WAM 27289, 27294

LIVESTOCK AND THEIR PRODUCTS 1280-1358

THE LAND AND ITS CROPS 1280-1358

61 WAM 27291-3

62 Thorold Rogers Six Centuries of Work and Wages
(1884-1912) p.94; WAM 27288

63 WAM 27289, 27298, 27302. I am grateful to Barbara
Harvey for this interpretation of the phrase.

64 SAL 1

65 SAL 3, 6-7, WAM 27306, SAL 13, 10, 15

66 WAM 27304-5

67 WAM 27310-3, Bod

68 WAM 27322

69 WAM 27323-4

70 WAM 27326

71 WAM 27327, 27329, 27331

72 WAM 27283, 27295

73 WAM 27282-4, 27287, 27292, 27294-5, 27297-8,
27300

74 WAM 27294-5, 27300, 27320; SAL 1, 9, 11

75 WAM 27312

76 WAM 27321-2, 27326; 27319, 27321, 27324

77 WAM 27324, 27326-7, 27329; 27282-4, 27289, 27293

78 London Archaeologist Winter 2002, p.73

79 WAM 27300, 27304, 27306, 27319

80 WAM 27282-3, 27288, 27291-3, 27316-8, 27322-4,
27327

81 WAM 27301, 27303, 27305-6, 27319, 27321

82 SAL 3

83 WAM 27282-5, 27287-92

84 WAM 27282, 27291-3

85 WAM 27282-27297

86 WAM 27306 onwards

87 WAM 27311

88 WAM 27314-27322

89 WAM 27318

90 WAM 27295

91 WAM 27292, 27321

92 WAM 27322

93 WAM 27323

94 WAM 27326, 27327

95 WAM 27326, 27329, 27331

96 WAM 27333

97 WAM 27295

98 WAM 27331

99 WAM 27327, 27331, 27333

100 WAM 27337

101 WAM 27329, 27333

102 WAM 27331

103 WAM 27333

104 WAM 27335

105 WAM 27333, 27335, 27337

106 WAM 27331, 27335, 27337

107 WAM 27335

108 WAM 19854-7

109 WAM 27324

110 WAM 27282, 27285, 27289, 27291-2, 27295, 27297-
8, 27318, 27321

111 WAM 27290-3

112 WAM 27323-4, 27326-7

113 WAM 27295, 27324, 27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27335,
27337

114 WAM 27331, 27333

115 WAM 27285, 27289, 27291-2, 27295, 27319, 27329,
27331, 27333, 27335, 27337; 27322; 27314, 27316-8,
27321, 27323-4, 27326

116 WAM 27295, 27324-7, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337

117 WAM 27289, 27291-2, 27295, 27314, 27316-9,
27321-2, 27324-7, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337

118 WAM 27282-3, 27290/91-92

119 WAM 27319, 27335, 27337; 27295, 27324; 27287

120 WAM 27287-8, 27292

121 WAM 27289, 27291, 27293, 27295, 27297; 27285

122 WAM 27335, 27287, 27295

123 WAM 27290, 27319, 27321

124 WAM 27287, 27289-92, 27295, 27297

125 WAM 27284, 27290, 27302; 27285, 27298

126 WAM 27287-8

127 WAM 27289-92

128 SAL 3

129 WAM 27297, 27298

130 WAM 27313, 27319, 27321, 27323-4

131 WAM 27295

132 WAM 27319, 27321

133 WAM 27323, 27326

134 WAM 27327

135 The translation of this word is not certain – Latham
p.37 and Fisher p.3 both suggest ‘unmated goose’,
but P Harvey p.789 considers ‘breeding female
goose’ more appropriate, and that translation seems
best for the Morden accounts.

136 WAM 27311

137 SAL 15

138 WAM 27326-7

139 WAM 27324

140 WAM 27306, 27310, 27315

141 WAM 27288-9, 27291-3; 27294-5 onwards

142 WAM 27292-5, 27297-27301; 27321, 27313

143 WAM 9287; BL Add Roll 8139

144 CUL 40-40v, 43v

145 WAM 27295, 27303-4

146 WAM 27292

147 WAM 27313, 27315

148 SAL 2, SAL 3 onwards, WAM 27311 onwards

149 WAM 27321

150 WAM 27295, 27297-8, 27303

151 WAM 27321

152 WAM 27294-5, 27297; Sir William Ambesas held the
neighbouring manor of Carshalton in the early 14th
century, and served as a knight of the shire under
Edward I. VCH IV p.181, M&B I, p.liii

153 WAM 27306

154 SHC K85/2/21

155 BL Add Roll 56043 5r, 56043 15r, 19407 3r

156 BL Add Roll 56038 1v, 8v, 56040 8r, 56045 4v, 6v, 7r,
940710r

157 SHC K85/2/16, K85/2/51, K85/2/62

158 SHC 212/74/2a, SHC K85/2/1, SHC 2575/2/7/7; BL Add
Roll 56038 8r . The origins and location of the Parklands
are considered in a companion volume in preparation,
Medieval Morden: Landscape and Landholding.

159 BL Add Roll 19407 17r

160 BL Add Roll 19407 15r

161 BL Add Roll 56045 2r

162 BL Add Roll 56045 3r

163 Bod

164 BL Add Roll 19407 15r

165 WAM 27390

166 BL Add Roll 56040 7v, 8r

167 BL Add Roll 56043 9r, 19407 10r, 4r

168 BL Add Roll 56038 5v

169 Bod, BL Add Roll 56045 6v, 56046 2r, 56042 22r

170 BL Add Roll 56038 2r

171 WAM 27323-4, 27326-7

172 WAM 27315

173 WAM 27322

174 I am grateful to Barbara Harvey for this observation.

LIVESTOCK AND THEIR PRODUCTS 1280-1358

LIVESTOCK AND THEIR PRODUCTS 1280-1358

1 WAM 27285

2 WAM 27295-300

3 WAM 27295, 27297, 27298; Pearce p.70; B Harvey
(2002) VI 151, XIX i 358-9, XXIV 3-5, 6n

4 WAM 27326, 27327, 27331

5 WAM 27312; Pearce pp.83-4; B Harvey (2002) IV
4n, XI 1

6 WAM 27303, 27304, 27305; Pearce pp.71, 209; B
Harvey (2002) XIX i 360

7 WAM 27312, 27313, 27334, 27335, 27335, 27337,
27338, 27339, 27340; Pearce p.79; B Harvey (2002)
III 13, 211, IV 9-10, 48, VI 11-13, 150, VIII 7-10, X
17-19, XVIII 114

8 WAM 27315, 27316, 27317, 27319; not found in
Pearce or B Harvey (2002) so probably not a monk

9 WAM 27283; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002)
so probably not a monk

10 WAM 27310, 27312, Bod, WAM 27313, 27314, 27316

11 WAM 27304, 27305, 27306, 27315, 27317, 27319,
27321; SAL 3, 6/7; Pearce pp.71-2; B Harvey (2002)
III 8, VI 2-8, XIII 105, XIX i 1

12 WAM 27291, 27299; Pearce p.72

13 WAM 27304, 27305; Pearce p.71; B Harvey (2002) X
3-4, XIII 105, XVIII 113n, XIX i 1-2, 143-62, 361,
362, XX 1-2

14 WAM 27311, Bod; Pearce p.83; B Harvey (2002) I
49n, IV 3, 41, XIV 1-3, XIX i 163-83, 163n, 362

15 Flete p.128

16 WAM 27333, 27335, 27337

17 WAM 27346 – is this the same person as Br John
Burwell [qv]? See Pearce p.118.

18 WAM 27282-3; Pearce p.169; B Harvey (2002) VI
121-2, XIX i 294-8, ii 104-6, iii 62-3, XXIV 170-3,
227, 267-8

19 WAM 27287; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002)
so probably not a monk

20 WAM 27282; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002)
so probably not a monk

21 SAL 15; WAM 27310; Pearce p.81; B Harvey (2002)
XXIV 10

22 WAM 27313; Pearce pp.81-2; B Harvey (2002) XIX i
362n

23 WAM 27282

24 WAM 27287; Pearce p.65; B Harvey (2002) XIX 1-2

25 WAM 27354, 27356-7, 27359, 27361, 27363,
27365, 27367 (Pearce p.118 has Borewell, Bourwell,
Burghwell, Burgwell as well as Burwell – perhaps
he is the same person as Dom John Borewell [qv],
steward in 1392/3); B Harvey (2002) IV 59-63, 151,
VIII 56-9, 61-71, XIX i 46-57, 59-64, ii 1-6, 45-9,
XXIV 46-9, 56-8, 62-7, 206n, 253, 286

26 WAM 27301; Pearce p.67; B Harvey (2002) I 22, VI 1,
XVIII 113n

27 WAM 27290/1

28 WAM 27290/1, 27303, 27304, 27306; SAL 1-3, 6/7,
13, 15

29 WAM 27322; Pearce p.89; B Harvey (2002) IV 46

30 WAM 27376, 27377; Pearce p.147; B Harvey (2002)
IV 72-4, VI 102-7, XII 51-5, XIII 46-8, 49n, XIX i
223-62, ii 67-81, iii 24-41, XXIV 137-48, 216

31 WAM 27326, 27327, 27328; Pearce p.98; B Harvey
(2002) IV 5-6, 39, VIII 3-5

32 WAM 27297, 27300, 27301; SAL 1; Pearce pp.69-70

33 WAM 27323-4; Pearce p.91; B Harvey (2002) IV 47,
VIII 167, XXIV 12

34 WAM 27290; see also B Harvey (ed) Documents relating
to the Rule of Walter de Wenlock … Camden Series of the
Royal Historical Society (4th ser. ii 1995) p.29

35 WAM 27358, 27360, 27362, 27364, 27366, 27369,
27371, 27372; Pearce pp.120-1; B Harvey (2002) xlv,
liv, 132, I 61-2, III 54, 73-4, 212, IV 142, VI 48-52,
VII 13, 17-21, VIII 60, 72-9, X 91-3, XVII 1-3, XIX
i 65-73, ii 7, 50-4, XX 48-60, XXIII 8-9, 11-12,
XXIV 50-2, 54-66

36 WAM 27313, 27316; Pearce p.78; B Harvey (2002)
XIX i 6, 362n, XX 3, 210

37 WAM 27302-5; SAL 1

38 WAM 27297

39 WAM 27323; a hole in the membrane obscures the
end of his name

40 WAM 27314, 27315, 27316, 27317; Pearce p.87; B
Harvey (2002) III 12

41 WAM 27282 (Famular’), 27283 (Fanerert?), 27287,
27292, 27293; Pearce pp.56-7; B Harvey (2002) I 37,
X 1

42 WAM 27375; Flete

43 WAM 27283; Pearce p.62

44 WAM 27293, 27295; Pearce pp.63-4; B Harvey
(2002) xxxi, III 209, XII 143, XVIII 113n, XIX i
127-8, 359, XXIX 1-6

45 WAM 27284; Pearce p.54

46 WAM 27289; Pearce p.59

47 SAL 6/7; WAM 27306; Pearce p.76; B Harvey (2002)
I 120, III 198-200, V 3, 4n

48 WAM 27371, 27372; Pearce pp.126-7; B Harvey
(2002) I 63, 124, V 125, VI 55-60, 63-4, X 95, XIII
1, XIV 37-46, 176-8, 181, XIX i 65-8, 77-85, 90-2,
ii 10-15, XXIV 69-79, 83-6, 254n, 256, XXVIII 28n

49 WAM 27292; Pearce p.68

50 SAL 15; WAM 27310, 27312, Bod; Pearce p.84; B
Harvey (2002) I 26-7, 41-9

51 WAM 27331

52 WAM 27287; Pearce p.55

53 WAM 27379, 27380, 27381; Pearce pp.167-8; B Harvey
(2002) xxi n28, xxxviii, 2-3, 117, I 32-3, 78-9, IV 80-3,
VI 109-18, VIII 136, XIII 51-62, XIV 128-72, 175,
XIX i 282-91, ii 94-102, iii 54-61, XX 148-89, XXIV
160-6, 219, 221n, 221-3, 299n, 299-301

54 WAM 27319, 27321; Pearce p.89

55 WAM 27341, 27342, 27345; Pearce pp.106-7; B
Harvey (2002) I 50, 85-90, 90n, 135n, II 4-5, IV 30-
4, VI 16-20, 25-6, 31-5, VIII 27-34, XIX i 23-43,
186, XXIV 34-7, 43-4, 251n, 284, 324, XXIX 19n

56 SAL 2-3; Pearce p.77 (‘Langeberwe’)

57 WAM 27322; Pearce pp.92-4; B Harvey (2002) liii, 193

58 WAM 27283; Pearce p.62

59 WAM 27290/1, 27292; Pearce p.73

60 WAM 27317, 27322, 27323; Pearce pp.84-6; B
Harvey (2002) xlviii, I 28-31, 49, 50-60, 85-105,
135, VI 14-15, VIII 1-2, 167, XVIII 114n, XIX i
184-5, XXIV 11

61 SAL 15; WAM 27308, 27310; Pearce p.80

62 WAM 27282, 27283, 27284; Pearce p.58

63 Bod; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002) so
probably not a monk

64 WAM 27326, 27327/9, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337,
27338, 27339, 27340; Pearce pp.95-6; B Harvey
(2002) 127, II 4n, 4-5, IV 6n, XIX i 16-20, XXIV
12-18, 20-4

65 WAM 27319, 27321, 27322, Bod, WAM 27335,
27336; Pearce p.88; B Harvey (2002) IV 6n, X 20-38,
28n, 38n, XIV 1-16, XIX i 11-15, XX 5-6, XXI 8,
XXIV 19

66 WAM 27293, 27295; Pearce p.64; B Harvey (2002) I
8-12, 34-5

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

67 WAM 27289, 27290/1, 27294; Pearce p.59; B Harvey
(2002) VI 151, XIX i 358

68 WAM 27306; B Harvey (2002) XIII 105 has J de
Newport clerk associated with R de Beby in 1312 for
States of convent’s manors, as here.

69 WAM 27293, 27294; not found in Pearce or B Harvey
(2002) – probably a scribal error for Alexander de
Neuport (B Harvey personal communication August
2007)

70 WAM 27293

71 Bod; Pearce p.79

72 WAM 27284; Pearce p.63

73 WAM 27335, 27337

74 WAM 27298; Pearce p.71; B Harvey (2002) I 38-40,
XXIV 5

75 WAM 27283; Pearce p.59

76 WAM 27313; Pearce p.80; B Harvey (2002) IV 4,
42-3, XXIV 11

77 WAM 27373, 27374; Pearce pp 37, 138-9; B Harvey
(2002) IV 71, V 39-41, VI 82-4, XIII 20-4, XIV
65-8, XX 89, XXIV 111-21

78 WAM 27321; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002)
so probably not a monk

79 WAM 27331, 27332, 27334; Pearce pp.91-2; B
Harvey (2002) IV 7, X 14-16, XXIV 16-18

80 WAM 27318, 27319, 27321; Pearce p.91; B Harvey
(2002) IV 8, V 6, VIII 6, XXIII 1

81 WAM 27303; Pearce pp.76-7

82 WAM 27368, 27370; Pearce pp.123-4; B Harvey
(2002) VI 53-4

83 WAM 27321; Pearce p.82; B Harvey (2002) III 9-11,
211, IV 44-5, XVIII 114

84 WAM 27346; Pearce p.113; B Harvey (2002) XVIII 6,
11-24, XIX i 44-5, XX 211, XXIV 45, 206n, 251, 284

85 WAM 27282; Pearce pp.54-5; B Harvey (2002) xxx

86 WAM 27301/2, 27303, 27304, 27306; SAL 1-3, 6/7,
Pearce p.57; B Harvey (2002) IV 1, X2, XXIV 7-9

87 WAM 27313, 27315, 27316, 27317; Pearce p.83

88 WAM 27313; Pearce pp.77-8; B Harvey (2002) XVIII
113, XX 210

89 WAM 27287; Pearce p.59

90 WAM 27289, 27290, 27291, 27292; Pearce p.57

91 WAM 27287, 27288, 27289, 27293, 27294; Pearce
pp.55-6; B Harvey (2002) XIX i 138-9

92 WAM 27311; Pearce p.83

93 WAM 27287; not found in Pearce or B Harvey (2002)

94 WAM 27283, 27284, 27285; Pearce pp.62-3; B
Harvey (2002) XXIV 2

95 WAM 27282, 27284; not found in Pearce or B Harvey
(2002) so probably not a monk

96 WAM 27295, 27297, 27298, 27299, 27300; Pearce
p.64; B Harvey (2002) I 6-7

97 WAM 27303, 27306; SAL 13, 15; Pearce p.77

98 WAM 27284; Pearce p.58

99 WAM 27310, Bod; Pearce pp.78-9; B Harvey (2002)
VI 9-10, XXIV 10

100 WAM 27301, 27295, 27297; Pearce p.55; B Harvey
(2002) XXIV 3-4

101 WAM 27312, 27313, 27314, 27315, 27316, 27317,
27318; Pearce p.81

102 WAM 27298, 27299, 27300, 27301, 27304, 27305;
Pearce p.69; B Harvey (2002) XIX i 140-2, 356, 360-1

103 WAM 27282-3

104 B Harvey (2002) pp.xxxv-vi, 109-115. Few of these
records survive from before the mid-14th century.

105 WAM 27304, 27306, 27313, 27315-9, 27321-4,
27327, 27333, 27335

106 WAM 27313-4, 27316-7, 27329

107 WAM 27282-3, 27298

108 B Harvey (1977) p.98

109 Widmore pp.91-101

110 B Harvey (1977) p.97

111 B Harvey (1977) p.87

112 WD 629; for a full discussion see B Harvey (1977)
pp.85-100

113 Pearce p.194

114 WAM 27289, 27306; SAL 6/7, 13, 15

115 WAM 27313, 27322

116 WAM Liber Niger CXLII, 540, 545, CLI 599 (a
valuation of the abbey’s goods, made in 1380)

117 For further information on the obedientiaries see B
Harvey (2002)

118 WAM 27313

119 Widmore pp.174-5

120 WAM 27293, 27295, 27319, 27321-2, 27335-6, Bod;
Pearce pp.64, 88, 131, 97, 96-7; B Harvey (2002) I
8-12, 34-5; IV 6n, X 20-38, 28n, 38n, XIV 1-16,
XIX i 11-15, XX 5-6, XXI 8, XXIV 19; IV 67, XXIV
80-100, 108, 110-13; III 21-2; III 31-2, V 13, X
54-8, 58n, XX 17-20, 26, XXIII 4

121 Pearce p.38

122 WAM 27315-19, 27321

123 WAM 27285, 27346

124 WAM 27304, CUL; WAM 27346

125 WAM 27282-4; probably Walter Edward who
settled his final account in 1288 (WAM 27288)

126 WAM 27282-3

127 WAM 27285

128 WAM 27284

129 WAM 27287

130 WAM 27287

131 WAM 27288

132 WAM 27289

133 WAM 27290

134 WAM 27291-4

135 WAM 27293-4

136 WAM 27295, 27297

137 WAM 27295, 27297

138 WAM 27297

139 WAM 27298/9

140 WAM 27299

141 WAM 27298-300

142 WAM 27299-27301

143 WAM 27301

144 WAM 27301

145 WAM 27302

146 WAM 27302-3, 27306; SAL 1-3, 6/7, 13

147 SAL 1; WAM 27303-5

148 SAL 1

149 WAM 27303

150 SAL 2-3, 6/7, 9, 11; WAM 27306; SAL 13

151 SAL 2

152 SAL 9, 11, 10, 15; WAM 27309-15, Bod

153 SAL 15, WAM 27310

154 WAM 27310-11

155 WAM 27314

156 WAM 27316-7

157 WAM 27316-9

158 WAM 27319

159 WAM 27321-2

160 WAM 27321

161 WAM 27323-4

162 WAM 27322

163 WAM 27326-33

164 WAM 27327, 27331

165 WAM 27335-9

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

166 WAM 27331

167 Serviens is often translated as ‘serjeant’, but as this
word has a number of specialist meanings, the Latin
term serviens has been retained throughout.

168 Bod, WAM 27313 onwards

169 WAM 27319, 27321-4, 27326-7, 27329, 27331, 27333

170 WAM 27311-2

171 WAM 27316

172 WAM 27322

173 WAM 27319

174 WAM 27285, 27290, 27295-300, 27302-5; Clark App
II

175 WAM 27013-4, 25900-2

176 WAM 27015, 26674, 26676

177 WAM 22092

178 WAM 27508

179 CUL 41v; WAM 27303-4; BL Add Roll 56042 9r, 24r,
25

180 WAM 27329

181 BL Add Roll 56038 4r, etc

182 WAM 27282 onwards

183 WAM 27289 onwards

184 WAM 27295-7

185 WAM 27299

186 WAM 27311-12

187 eg BL Add Roll 56038 2v

188 eg WAM 27352

189 eg BL Add Roll 56038 2v

190 eg BL Add Roll 56039 12r

191 eg BL Add Roll 56038 15v

192 eg BL Add Roll 56039 4r

193 eg BL Add Roll 56038 3r

194 eg BL Add Roll 56039 12r

195 WAM 27354 includes a separate account or onus
of John Guldone the beadle; WAM 27363, 27367,
27369, 27374

196 WAM 27322-4, 27326

197 WAM 27326 onwards

198 SAL 10, 15, WAM 27310-12

199 WAM 27312, Bod

200 WAM 27322, 27326

201 SAL 1; WAM 27319, 27321-2, 27324, 27326

202 WAM 27324, 27326

203 WAM 27319, 27321-2

204 WAM 27311, 27327, 27329

205 WAM 27303-4

206 WAM 27291

207 WAM 27323

208 WAM 27284, 27287, 27294, 27298-301, 27303,
27316, 27319, 27321-2, 27327-9, 27331-3, 27335,
27337-40, SAL 1-2

209 WAM 27316, 27319, 27327, 27329, 27331

210 WAM 27284/5, 27287-8,27289-90, 27315, 27322,
27327, 27329

211 WAM 27289

212 WAM 27321, 27323-4

213 Barbara Harvey, in a personal communication July 2007

214 WAM 27323

215 WAM 27322

216 WAM 27306 onwards

217 WAM 27306, 27310-19, 27321-4, 27326-9, 27331,
27333, 27335, 27337

218 WAM 27282-3

219 WAM 27324, 27331

220 WAM 27282-27306, SAL 1-3, 6/7, 10, 15; WAM
27310-12

221 WAM 27282-4

222 WAM 27288-9, 27291-3

223 WAM 27288-9, 27291-5, 27297, 27299-300, 27302;
27303-5, 27310; SAL 1, 2, 3, 6, 13;

224 SAL 1, 2, 3, 6, 13; WAM 27303-6

225 WAM 27311-12

226 WAM 27282; 27283; 27284, 27290, 27293, 27301;
27313 to 273377

227 WAM 27287 to 27312, Bod; WAM 27313 to 27337

228 E Power Medieval People (1924, 1951) pp.13-14; M
Bloch in M M Postan (ed) The Cambridge Economic
History of Europe I: The Agrarian Life of the Middle
Ages (2nd edn 1966), pp.241, 252ff; A Verhulst in R
McKitterick (ed) The New Cambridge Medieval History
II: c700-c900 (1995) p.492; Dyer pp.35ff

229 M M Postan ‘The Famulus: The Estate Labourer in
the Twelfth and the Thirteenth Centuries’ in EHR
Supplement 2 (1954); D A E Pelteret Slavery in Early
Mediaeval England (1995) pp.9-10, 117, 124-5, 175,
194-240

230 R Holt The Mills of Medieval England (1988) p.90

231 CUL 42v

232 BL Add Roll 56039 20r, 18r

233 WAM 27287, SAL 13

234 WAM 27316; 27294, 27297, 27306, 27316, 27319,
27335

235 WAM 27304; 27297, 27319

236 WAM 27323

237 eg WAM 27335

238 WAM 27304

239 WAM 27305

240 WAM 27304

241 WAM 27337

242 SAL 13, WAM 27311, Bod

243 WAM 27369

244 WAM 27338

245 SAL 5

246 WAM 1831-2, 1837-8. For further information see
Clive Orton The medieval potters of Cheam (2015).

247 WAM 1833-4, 1839; BL Add Roll 50638 15r, 56039
12r, 13r, 16r, 19r

248 WAM 27304

249 WAM 27333

250 WAM 27385-7, 27389-90; CUL 42v; 27282-5,
27287-27306, 27310-19, 27321-2, Bod

251 CUL 43v; WAM 27323 onwards

252 WAM 27288 onwards

253 WAM 27282-27287, especially 27285; WAM 9287

254 CUL 41v, 43v; WAM 27295, 27297-8, 27300-01;
27303, 27305-6, 27310-14, 27316-19, 27321-3,
27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337, Bod

255 CUL 40-40v; WAM 27284, 27287, 27289-90,
27292-5, 27297-8, 27300-01, 27303-6, 27310-14,
27316-19, 27321-4, 27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27335,
27337; WAM 9287

256 WAM 27303-6, 27310-3

257 WAM 27349-52, 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361, 27363,
27365, 27369, 27371, 27373-4

258 WAM 27282 onwards

259 WAM 27323-4, 27326-7, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337

260 WAM 27352 onwards; 27373 onwards

261 WAM 27313-4, 27316; 27326-7, 27331, 27333,
27335, 27337

262 BL Add Roll 56038-46, 19407; further studies in
this series will examine the full range of information
available from the Morden court rolls.

263 WAM 27384-90

264 WAM 27310

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

265 For a thorough exposition of labour services on
Westminster Abbey estates see B Harvey (1977) esp.
pp.216-243

266 WAM 9287; BL Add Charter 8139

267 CUL 41v, 43v

268 WAM 27352-7; cf BL Add Rolls 56038 2v, 11r, 56039
12r, 56040 15r

269 BL Add Roll 56040 3r

270 SHC K85/2/17

271 WAM 27287, 27289

272 SAL 6/7 onwards; SAL 2

273 Genesis 8:22

274 Ecclesiastes 3:1

275 I am grateful to Barbara Harvey for this observation.

276 The information charted here is based on Bennett
and Homans.

277 Christopher C Thornton ‘The Level of Arable
Productivity on the Bishopric of Winchester’s Manor
of Taunton, 1283-1348’ in Britnell pp.122, 124-5.
The livestock units are calculated as follows: horses =
1.0; mature cattle = 1.2; immature cattle = 0.8; sheep
= 0.1; swine = 0.1.

278 WAM 27319, 27321; 27373-4, 27376-7, 27379-83

279 WAM 27295, 27297; CUL 41v

280 CUL 43v

281 SAL 13/10 to WAM 27319, 27321

282 WAM 27319

283 WAM 27317-19, 27321

284 WAM 27323-37

285 WAM 27319, 27321, 27324, 27335

286 WAM 27331

287 WAM 27335

288 WAM 27306, 27326

289 WAM 27291

290 WAM 27293, 27295, 27304-5

291 SAL 1

292 WAM 27373-4, 27376-7, 27379-83

293 WAM 9287

294 CUL 41v

295 SAL 1-3, 6/7, 13/10, 15, WAM 27303-4, 27305-6,
27310

296 CUL 40v-41v

297 WAM 27306; TNA CP 25/1/228/38 no.27; CP
25/1/229/45 no.58

298 CUL 41v

299 CUL 43v, SAL 15

300 WAM 27322-4, 27326

301 WAM 27313-4

302 WAM 27323-4

303 WAM 27316, 27321, 27335, 27337

304 CUL 41r

305 WAM 27304, 27317, 27326-27, SAL10

306 CUL 41r, 43v

307 CUL 41r

308 CUL 41v

309 CUL 43v

310 WAM 9287, CUL 41v

311 WAM 27282-27287, especially 27285

312 WAM 27288 onwards

313 WAM 27288-89, 27291-92, 27294-95, 27297; SAL
1-3, 6/7, 13/10, 15, WAM 27303-6, 27310-12,
27314-22, Bod

314 SAL 6/7, 10, WAM 27310

315 WAM 27322-4, 27327, 27329, 27331, 27333

316 WAM 27303-05; SAL 2-3, 6/7, 10, 15, WAM 27306,
27310-19, 27321-24, 27326-27, 27329, 27331,
27333, 27335, 27335, Bod

317 WAM 27323, 27327, 27329, 27331, 27333, 27335,
27337, 27339

318 WAM 27303-05; 27306, 27310-19, 27321-24,
27326-27, 27329, 27331, 27333, 27335, 27335, Bod

319 Bennett p.82

320 WAM 27316, 27321, 27335, 27337

321 WAM 9287, CUL 41v

322 WAM 27300, 27302

323 WAM 9287, CUL 41v, 43v

324 WAM 27282, 27288-9, 27292, 27294

325 Bennett p.83

326 WAM 27319

327 WAM 27323 onwards

328 Bennett p.85; Rich p.684; R K Field ‘Worcestershire
Peasant Buildings, Household Goods and Farming
Equipment in the Later Middle Ages’ in Medieval
Archaeology 9 (1965) p.137; Latham p.493

329 Bennett p.85

330 Rich p.718

331 WAM 27315, 27321, 27323, SAL 15; see illustration
and caption in N Harvey Old Farm Buildings (Shire
Album 10 (1975)) p.5

332 SAL 9, 11; SAL 1, WAM 27294-5, 27300

333 WAM 27316, 27319, 27327, 27329, 27331

334 WAM 27287, 27301, 27321

335 WAM 27284, 27287, 27294, 27298-301, 27303,
27316, 27319, 27321-2, 27327-9, 27331-3, 27335,
27337-40, SAL 1-2

336 WAM 27297, 27301, 27303, SAL 1-2

337 WAM 27295, 27314, 27322, 27326

338 SAL 1, 6-7 , WAM 27306

339 CUL 41v, 43v

340 Barbara Harvey Living & Dying in England 1100-
1540: The Monastic Experience (1993) Appendix V
– gazo, plur. gazones: a measure of ale equivalent to
1½ gallons

341 WAM 9287, BL Add Charter 8139

342 WAM 27306, SAL 13/10; SAL 15 onwards

343 WAM 27321 onwards

344 WAM 27313

345 WAM 27316, 27326, 27322

346 WAM 27304; the Aldenham account roll for this
year is WAM 26063

347 WAM 27339

348 WAM 27284, 27289-90, 27292-93, 27317, 27319,
27321, SAL 2, 13

349 WAM 27289-90, 27292, 27295-6, 27300, 27303-5,
SAL 2-3, 10, 15

350 WAM 27291

351 WAM 27291, 27319

352 WAM 27288-90, 27294, 27300-05, 27327, SAL 1-2

353 WAM 27288, 27291-2, 27294-7, 27300, 27302, 27327

354 WAM 27295, 27297

355 WAM 27321

356 WAM 27289, 27291-93, 27319

357 WAM 27292, SAL 1

358 WAM 27297

359 WAM 27287

360 WAM 27289, 27319, SAL 2; WAM 27319. The
statute perch was 16½ feet.

361 WAM 27321

362 WAM 27300, 27306

363 WAM 27306, 27319

364 CUL 42v-43r

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

HUMAN RESOURCES 1280-1358

1 WAM 27339, 19854-7; see also B Harvey (1977)
p.153

2 WAM 27339

3 WAM 27339

4 WAM 27341-3

5 WAM 27344, 27346-51, 27923

6 WAM 27352, 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361

7 WAM 27363, 27365, 27367, 27369, 27371

8 WAM 27373

9 WAM 27374-8

10 WAM 27376-77

11 WAM 27378-81

12 WAM Register 1 108, WAM 27282-3

13 WAM Register 1 141

14 WAM Register 2 212

15 WAM 27352, 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361, 27363,
27365, 27367, 27369; cf BL Add Roll 56038-40

16 Martin Allen ‘The Volume of the English Currency,
1158-1470’ in EcHR ns.54.4 (2001) pp.595-611

17 WAM 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361

18 WAM 27365, 27367, 27369, 27371

19 WAM 27373

20 WAM 27357, 27359, 27361, 27363

21 WAM 27339; WAM 19854-7, BL Add Roll 56039

22 BL Add Roll 56038

23 BL Add Roll 56038

24 BL Add Roll 56038

25 WAM 27341-3

26 WAM 27343

27 WAM 27344, 27346-51, 27923

28 BL Add Roll 56038

29 WAM 27349-50, BL Add Roll 56039

30 BL Add Roll 56039 19v

31 BL Add Roll 56039 19v

32 WAM 27351-2, 27354

33 WAM 27352, 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361

34 WAM 27352

35 BL Add Roll 56040

36 BL Add Roll 56040

37 WAM 27357, 27359, 27361

38 WAM 27357, 27359

39 WAM 27361, BL Add Roll 56040

40 WAM 27363, 27365, 27367, 27369

41 WAM 27363, 27365

42 WAM 27363, 27365, BL Add Roll 56040

43 WAM 27367

44 WAM 27367, BL Add Roll 56040

45 WAM 27369

46 WAM 27369

47 BL Add Roll 56040

48 WAM 27371, 27373-4, 27376-8, BL Add Roll
56038-41

49 WAM 27371

50 WAM 27371, BL Add Roll 56040

51 WAM 27373-4, 27376-8, BL Add Roll 56040-2

52 BL Add Roll 56041

53 WAM 27373-4, 27376-8

54 BL Add Roll 56041

55 WAM 27373-4, 27376-8, BL Add Roll 56039-42;
in 1419 he is described as ‘the lord’s serviens’, a term
used to describe the farmer of the manor in the
manorial court rolls – BL Add Roll 56041 8r

56 WAM 27373-8

57 WAM 27373-8

58 BL Add Roll 56042

59 WAM 27373-4, 27376-8; BL Add Roll 56042

60 BL Add Roll 56042

61 WAM 27373

62 WAM 27373

63 BL Add Roll 56042

64 WAM 27374-8, BL Add Roll 56042, 56043

65 WAM 27374

66 BL Add Roll 56042

67 WAM 27375

68 WAM 27375

69 WAM 27376-8, BL Add Roll 56042-3, 19407

70 WAM 27376-8, BL Add Roll 56042-3

71 WAM 27376-7, BL Add Roll 56042-3

72 WAM 27376-7

73 WAM 27376-7

74 WAM 27376-7

75 WAM 27378, BL Add Roll 56043 (widow remarried)

76 WAM 27378

77 WAM 27378

78 WAM 27378-81, BL Add Roll 19407

79 WAM 27379-83

80 WAM 27379-83

81 WAM Register 1 108, WAM 27282-3

82 WAM Register 1 141

83 WAM Register 2 212

84 SHC K85/2/7

85 SHC K85/2/7

86 SHC K85/2/8

87 WAM 27339; WAM 19854-7, BL Add Roll 56039
13v

88 WAM 9287, 27285, 27300, CUL, BL Add Roll
56038-42

89 BL Add Rolls 56038-40

90 WAM 27373-4, 27376-8

91 VCH III (1911) p.256

92 TNA PROB 11/20/322

93 TNA LR 2/190 f.238; SHC K85/3/32; BL Add Roll
56046 1r,

94 SHC K85/2/7-8

95 BL Add Roll 56045 3r, 3v, 6v; SHC K85/3/32; LMA
CLC/MD/F/016E/MS34100/205 roll 2 7r, 10v, 11v,
12r, 13v

96 WAM 27373 onwards

97 BL Add Roll 56038-43

98 WAM 27354

99 WAM 27349-52, 27354, 27357, 27359, 27361,
27363, 27365, 27369, 27371, 27373-4

100 WAM 27348

101 WAM 27365, 27367

102 WAM 27354, 27363, 27365, 27367, 27369, 27371,
27373

103 WAM 27354, 27357, 27361, 27363, 27367, 27369,
27371

104 WAM 27357, 27359, 27361, 27363

105 WAM 27373-83

106 WAM 27383

107 WD 173b-174, WAM 19961C, 1912

108 WAM 27373-8

109 WAM 27365

110 WAM Register 1 108, 141b

111 WAM 27379-83

112 WAM 27359, 27381

113 WAM 27351

114 WAM 27369, 27380

115 WAM Register 1, 108-108v, 141b-142

116 WAM 27369, 27380

117 WAM 27344, 27369

118 WAM 27344

119 WAM 27363, 27365, 27367, 27369

120 A Thomas Shorfoot became a tenant of the manor
22.4.1422, on surrender of John Reygate: BL Add
Roll 56041 11r

121 see Salzman pp.231-2

122 Made of iron, sometimes used for fixing laths on
roofs, especially in the London area – Salzman
pp.307-8

123 Small nail, brad (Fisher); see Salzman p.313

124 WAM 27374

125 WAM 27375

126 WAM 27379, 27380, 27382

127 WAM 27399, 27367

THE MANOR AT FARM 1359-1568

THE MANOR AT FARM 1359-1568

1 Dates of institution are from Livermore pp.18-19,
which is the source for all entries unless otherwise
stated. Dates of death or resignation are from M&B II
(1809) pp.492-3

2 WAM 1846, WD 336 – undated letter from Peter de
Roches, bishop of Winchester 1205-38, notifying readers
that he had admitted Master Thomas de Senesfeld,
clerk, ‘to the church of St Laurence of Morden’, at the
presentation of the abbey. Livermore pp.2, 18 took
de Roches’ episcopacy as the dates of Senesfeld’s
incumbency, but gave 1215 for 1205 on p.2.

3 WAM 1840-41

4 CPR Henry III 5 (1910, 1971) p.11: ‘in king’s gift by
reason of voidance of the Abbey of Westminster’, patent
directed to B, archbishop of Canterbury, or his official
in the diocese of Winchester

5 Pontissara pp.8-9

6 Pontissara pp.7-9, 117-8, WD 171-171b; Staunden also
held properties in Lower Morden (WAM 1844-45, WD
171, CUL 40v)

7 He was not ordained priest until 18.12.1308: A W
Goodman Registrum Henrici Woodlock diocesis
Wintoniensis AD1305-1316 II (1940) p.779

8 Ibid p.743; WAM 27390 – court roll for 1.10.1327 –
Ralph the vicar prosecuted Henry atte Hegge and Robert
in the Rithe for trespass in his meadow of Estmede;
Stratford 1154 p.356: he was admitted to the vicarage of
Ashtead 14.10.1328, ‘vacant by the resignation of Dom.
William de Dokesworth, the last rector, by reason of an
exchange with the vicarage of Morden’.

9 Livermore lists him, but M&B do not. Was he an
assistant to Oldyngton?

10 Stratford 1156 p.356: he was ‘admitted to Morden
vicarage on account of an exchange with that of
Ashtead’. ‘Sir William’ was vicar when the vicarage was
endowed on 21.8.1331 – WAM 1851, WD 173b

11 Livermore; ‘Baldwin, vicar of Morden’ held the rectory
(the great tithes) at farm in 1351-1352 (WAM 27326-7)
and held a messuage and 2 acres of the tenement of
Henry ate Rithe on a 20-year lease from 1352 until
at least 1358 (WAM 27331, 27333, 27335, 27337).
Edington 1199 and SHC K85/3/6 say that in 1359 John
Handson was admitted to the vicarage ‘vacant by the
death of Baldewyn’.

12 Was Henry an assistant to Baldwin the vicar – see above?

13 SHC K85/3/6; Edington 1199: ‘vacant by the death of
Baldewyn’.

14 TNA C 54/199; he is not noted in Edington’s register,
so perhaps was the same person as John Handson.

15 SHC K85/3/6; Edington 1425

16 Edington 1589

17 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.5, on resignation of
Mareschal

18 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.24, on exchange with
‘Haytefelde’ for Paddlesworth and Dode, Rochester
diocese

19 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.38, on exchange with
Hyldercle for Ryarsh, Rochester diocese

20 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.47, on exchange with
Couper for Heckfield; Morden church was sequestrated
29.7.1373 for arrears from his time at Heckfield ibid
II (1899) p.194; BL Add Roll 56038 1r – the manorial
court roll for 12.2.1378 records that ‘William the vicar
brewed and broke the assize’. At the next court, for
22.5.1378, he faced prosecutions for trespass and for
debt, and had been the victim of an assault.

21 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.100, on resignation of Page

22 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.102, on resignation of
Swafelde

23 SHC K85/3/6; Wykeham p.105, on resignation of
Passour; BL Add Roll 56038 8r, 11r, 56039 7v, 11r –
the court rolls record his purchase of a messuage and
enclosed warren in 1385, and that he had not repaired
the bridge at his gate in 1386 and 1391, nor scoured
the roadside ditch there in 1394

24 Wykeham p.217; BL Add Roll 56040 1v – at the court
held 5.7.1400 it was alleged that he had assaulted
Henry Tryllmyll

25 BL Add Roll 56040 8v, 12v – the court roll for 13.5.1405
records the surrender by Alan Berngeer or Berneger
of an acre of land with building ‘to the use of Robert
Oversley, vicar of the church of Morden, and John
Oversley’ for their two lives at 2d a year. On 1.5.1409
Robert was granted an 82-ft x 4-ft parcel of Wylot’s
tenement, which had reverted into the lord’s hand, at 2d
a year ‘new rent’. Court rolls show it was still leased to
him in 1411 (BL Add Roll 56040 15r) and the manorial
account rolls record this payment by Robert until 1412,
and by ‘the vicar’ until 1503 (WAM 27367, 27369,
27371; 27373-4, 27376-7, 27379-83).

26 BL Add Roll 56041 4v – the court roll for 13.5.1416
records the surrender by Nicholas Hyndefoot of
‘Emcote acre’ to ‘John Whyte, vicar of the church of
Morden’

27 BL Add Roll 56041 5v, 6r, 11r – the court rolls for
5.5.1417 and 20.4.1418 record that William Felyce
vicar of the church of Morden ‘blocked the water
course next to the king’s highway’, that for 5.5.1417
records his assault on John Castelman, and that for
22.4.1422 an assault on him by Castelman

28 LMA DW/PA/7/2 f.29:Webb 2.90

29 BL Add Roll 56042 3v – the court roll for 2.5.1436
records the surrender to him by Ralph and Alice Tracy
of ‘Emcottes acre and toft adjoining, lying next to the
dwelling [mansione’] of the vicar’

30 BL Add Roll 56042 7r – The court roll of 29.4.1438
records a grant to him by the lord of the manor of ‘1
close and 1 parcel of land containing 1 acre of land
called Empkotehawe for as long as he is vicar of the
same church’. On 26.6.1442 or 1443 a new endowment
of the vicarage was agreed by the bishop, the abbey and
John Cecily the vicar – WAM 1853, SHC K85/3/29-30

31 BL Add Roll 56042 23r, 24r – the court rolls for
16.4.1455 and 13.4.1456 commanded the unnamed
vicar to scour 5 perches of ditch in West Morden

32 Livermore; see also CPR Edward IV, Henry VI
AD1467-1477 (1900) p.78 – 26.6.1468 – ‘Thomas
Walssh, late vicar of the parish church of Moredon,
co. Surrey alias rector of Springwell, co. Essex …’ in an
action for debt of 10 marks by John Bowe clerk

33 BL Add Roll 56043 11r, 10r, 9r, 6r, 5r – the court roll
for 3.5.1473 commanded ‘the vicar’ (unnamed) to
scour 16 perches of ditch lying below a close called le
Vicaryes Garden, and on 14.4.1475 he was ordered to
scour his ditch in Bow Lane, described as 16 perches
on 8.5.1481. ‘The parson’s’ ditch at Townesendlane
was unscoured on 4.5 and 6.10.1479. The court roll for
3.5.1474 recorded his assault upon William Brooke.
On 18.4.1475 he served as essoin for William Tenet. On
6.10.1478 ‘William, parson of Morden’ was presented
for overstocking the common and for hunting game
in the lord’s warren.

34 His successor’s 1493 appointment records ‘vacant by
death of Robert Wyrkysworth, priest’: C Harper-Bill
An Edition of the Register of John Morton, Archbishop
of Canterbury 1486-1500 – PhD thesis accessed
online 24.1.2015 at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/
files/2933131/DX192621.pdf pp.423 [846], 430 [875]
citing register at Lambeth Palace Library ff.84, 89;
Livermore calls him Byrkysworth. On 4 May 1485 the
homage found that the unnamed ‘parson’ had falsely
claimed 1 acre of land ‘in Walettys’ (Wallace Mead?)
belonging to John Coweper (BL Add Roll 56044 1r).

35 C Harper-Bill op. cit. ibid.The vicar is unnamed
in BL Add Roll 19407 8r, 7r – the court roll of
26.4.1496 ordered him to scour 14 perches of ditch
in Townesende Lane, and that for 4.10.1496 recorded
that he had falsely claimed and ploughed 2 furrows of
land late John Parker. BL Add Roll 19407 4r – the court
rolls for 1.10.1499 and 12.5.1500 recorded that Hornby
‘the vicar there’ had cut down elms in West Morden.

THE CHURCH AND ITS TITHES 1301-c.1500

THE CHURCH AND ITS TITHES 1301-c.1500

‘Robert Hornby came from Newcastle on Tyne. He
appears as ‘Robert Hornby clerk’ in his father’s will.
(Hornby is a place on the valley of the Lune on the
borders of Lancashire and Yorkshire.) His father was a
Merchant Venturer of the city of Newcastle.’ – Richard
Wright (personal communication January 2015).

36 BL Add Roll 56045 1v, 3r: On 8.2.1513 he enfeoffed John
Holt of 2 acres freehold land in Southfield formerly
Dunton. On 8.4.1516 an unnamed vicar was ordered to
make his hedge between his enclosure and Sparrowfeld
Common. On 5.6.1516 the abbey presented Henry
Hendy to the vicarage of Morden, ‘vacant by the free
resignation of William Hendy’ [sic] (WAM Register 2
90). A William Hendy, chaplain, held two copyholds in
Merton – Legge alias Bragge 1509-1511 and Our Lady
House 1510-c.1514.

37 WAM Register 2 90 – presentation of Henry Hendy,
clerk, to vicarage of Morden. BL Add Roll 56045 7v
– Henry Hendy witnessed the surrender in 1529 by
Richard Cosyn to his wife Elizabeth of ‘part of a house
built on the highway next to the cemetery’ (possibly
a forerunner to the George inn). He was appointed
overseer of various wills as ‘Harry Hondye, vicar
of Morden’ in August 1532, as ‘Henry Houndys’ in
September 1536 and as Henry Hands in October 1538
– LMA DW/PA/7/4 f.17r: Webb 4.32; DW/PA/7/4
ff.174r-5r: Webb 5.94: DW/PA/7.5 f.55: Webb 4.382.
In 1535 VE refers to ‘Henry Hound vicar of Morden’.

38 SHC K85/3/6; HRO 21M65/E4/4/1; (www.
theclergydatabase.org.uk inserts John Thomas
replacing Denis Coventree in 1550, in error for Malden:
CCCC 122 p.143: SyAC XLV p.112)

39 HRO 21M65/A1/24/8, 21M65/E4/4/1, 1593B/48; SHC
K85/3/6, 3/19; CCCC 122 p.144: SyAC XLV p.113

40 He signed an inventory of church goods at Morden
as ‘Robertum Bust curat’ on 19.3.1549 – SyAC XXII
(1909) p.96. On 21.7.1554 John Walsh of Sutton,
yeoman (lessee of the manor of Morden), devised to
Robert Bust, perpetual vicar, tithe of all grain, hay
and straw and all other personal tithes belonging to
the parsonage of Morden, except those from lands,
etc, in the occupation of John Walsh belonging to the
farm called Mounkton Manor, otherwise the manor of
Morden, for 17 years at £5 a year. Bust sold his rights to
the new lord of the manor, Richard Garth, on 17.6.1556:
SHC K85/3/6, K85/2/9-10.

41 www.theclergydatabase.org.uk: Lambeth Palace Library
Sede Vacante; CCCC 122 p.144: SyAC XLV p.113; SHC
K85/3/6

42 SHC K85/3/6

43 SHC K85/3/6

44 A series of lawsuits c.1584-91 at various courts,
including Chancery, the Court of Delegates and the
Court of Arches, between the vicar and the lord of the
manor, resulted in Medcalfe’s committal to the Fleet
prison and removal from office – SHC K85/3/1-27 and
TNA C78/53(14) mm.24-6. The alternative reading of
his name as ‘Uvedale’ is erroneous (Dr R Christophers
in a personal communication February 2016).

45 www.theclergydatabase.org.uk: HRO 21M65 A1/27

46 www.theclergydatabase.org.uk has Cleaver, citing
Lambeth Palace Library: Whitgift’s Register II and
HRO 21M65/A1/29; Livermore read it as ‘Weaver’.

47 www.theclergydatabase.org.uk: HRO 21M65/A1/29

48 eg Abbots Langley, Herts; Bidborough, Kent; Blidworth,
Notts; Bradford on Avon, Wilts; Caterham, Surrey;
Church Stretton, Shrops; Eyam, Derbys; Gnosall,
Staffs; Godmersham, Kent; Hurstpierpoint, Sussex;
Morland, Cumb; Pittington, Durham; Springthorpe,
Lincs; Stoke, Cheshire; Towcester, Northants; Upton,
Berks; Warkworth, Northumb; Winchester, Hants;
Wirksworth, Derbys

49 Livermore p.2, quoting Lambeth Palace Library Reg.
Stafford (Kemp), f.245v

50 WAM 27284

51 WAM 27283

52 DB f.32v 6, p.77; Walter Holtzmann Papsturkunden in
England I (Berlin, 1930) 70 pp.325-328

53 WD 336

54 WAM 1846, WD 336 – undated letter from Peter de
Roches, bishop of Winchester 1205-38. Witnesses
include Nicholas de Farnham, bishop of Durham from
1241, who studied in Paris and Bologna from 1229.
Other witnesses also witnessed abbey charters in the first
two decades of the 13th century (WD 629, 170-170b).

55 WAM 1840-41

56 Pontissara pp.7-9, 117-8, WD 171-171b; for
commendam see F Madge & H Chitty Registrum Thome
Wolsey Cardinalis ecclesie Wintoniensis administratoris
(1926) p.ix

57 B Harvey Documents Illustrating the Rule of Walter de
Wenlok, Abbot of Westminster, 1283-1307 (1965) p.30;
R Sharpe (ed) Calendar of Wills proved and enrolled in
the Court of Husting, London, AD1258-AD1688 I (1889)
pp.250-1. Gerard is also mentioned on pp.124, 253.

58 B Harvey Documents Illustrating the Rule of Walter
de Wenlok, Abbot of Westminster, 1283-1307 (1965)
pp.30, 68, 186; E H Pearce Walter de Wenlok Abbot of
Westminster (1920) pp.89-90

59 CUL 40v, WAM 27384-8

60 WAM 1844-45, WD 171; MHS LHN 13 plot 71

61 BL Add Roll 56043 5r

62 BL Add Roll 56044 1r, 19407 7r

63 WAM 1863, WD 171b

64 B Harvey (1977) p.51

65 WAM 1863, WD 171b

66 B Harvey (1977) p.51

67 WAM 1863, WD 171b

68 WAM 1854, WD 172

69 WD 171-171b

70 Pontissara pp.117-8

71 WD 172b

72 WD 172b

73 WD 173

74 WAM 1916*, WD 173; CPR Ed II 3 (1906) p.341

75 WAM 29142, 29313, 29537, 29419, 1894, 29510, 29563,
29977, cf 30306

76 £12 had been the value assigned in 1291 – B Harvey
(1977) p.412, quoting TPN 207b

77 VE p.37

78 WAM 1863, WD 171b

79 WAM 1851, WD 173b, SHC K85/3/28 p.21; Stratford
689 p.230; c.f. Stratford 471 p.152, 567 pp.181-2

80 VE p.37; by the early 1400s the vicarage was in Central
Road, just to the south-west of St George’s church, and
included a copyhold meadow behind it that stretched
north as far as the junction of the modern Bodmin
Grove and Abbotsbury Road (BL Add Roll 56040 8v).
Numbered on the 1838 tithe apportionment (MHS
LHN 13) as plots 247 and 248, totalling 2 acres 27
perches, the site served as vicarage and then rectory
until the present rectory was built around 1960 on a
site adjoining the parish church.

81 VE p.37

82 VE p.37; Stratford 689 p.230 has ‘tithes of mills and
waters’

83 VE p.37

84 VE p.37; the vicar’s tithes of wool, lambs, goslings,
piglets, calves and cheese from the demesne are
regularly noted in the manorial account rolls

85 VE p.37; Antonia Gransden A History of The Abbey of
Bury St Edmunds 1182-1256 (2007) p.263 lists these
four ‘great feast-days’

86 SAL 4; Stratford 689 p.230 has ‘fodder’ [fedarum]
instead of ‘beans’ [fabarum], but the accounts regularly
record the payments of wheat and beans to the vicars

87 VE p.37; procuration: a payment made by a parish
in lieu of providing entertainment for a bishop,
archdeacon, or other official visitor; synodal: a payment
made by the inferior clergy to the bishop, properly on
the occasion of a synod, and hence at an episcopal or
archidiaconal visitation – OED online edition

THE CHURCH AND ITS TITHES 1301-c.1500

THE CHURCH AND ITS TITHES 1301-c.1500

88 WAM 27345, 27353

89 WAM 1853 (badly stained), SHC K85/3/29-30

90 VE p.37

91 WAM 1853 (badly stained), SHC K85/3/29-30

92 WAM Register 2 90

93 WAM Register 2 212

94 VE p.37

95 The quantity is omitted, but works out to 4 quarters

96 SHC K85/2/9

97 SHC K85/3/19

98 SHC K85/2/10

99 SHC K85/3/19 & 23

100 WAM 27332

101 SAL 5

102 WAM 27328, 27330

103 WAM 27307-8, 27328, 27332, SAL 14

104 SAL 12, WAM 27328

105 SAL 4-5, 12, 14, WAM 27307-8, 27328, 27332, 27334,
27338, 27340

106 SAL 14

107 SAL 5, WAM 27340

108 SAL 5, WAM 27307

109 WAM 27336, 27338

110 SAL 14

111 WAM 27328

112 SAL 4-5, WAM 27307, 27334, 27338

113 WAM 27331

114 WAM 27328

115 WAM 27333-4

116 WAM 27339-40

117 Dr Mark Page (personal correspondence 6.9.2005)

118 WAM 27328, 27330

119 WAM 27328

120 WAM 27306, SAL 10, 15

121 WAM 27330; WAM 27332, 27334, 27336

122 Livermore & Rudd p.4

123 LMA DW/PA/7/6 ff.82r-83r; DW/PA/5/1559/220 –
Archdeaconry Court of Surrey, Tully Register: Webb
6.75

124 WAM 27297

125 Livermore & Rudd p.6

126 WAM 27334

127 WAM 27338; ‘Where a window was of more than one
light it was usual to have one horizontal ‘stay-bar’
running from jamb to jamb through the mullions, and
a number of smaller bars, parallel to it, from mullion
to mullion, or from jamb to mullion’ – Salzman p.293

128 SAL 5

129 WAM 27362, 27364

130 WAM 27366

131 Livermore p.4

132 WAM 27340

133 WAM 27308

134 WAM 27326

135 WAM 27340

136 WAM 27341-3

137 WAM 27344-5

138 BL Add Roll 56038-9

139 WAM 27353

140 WAM 27355-6, 27358, 27360, 27362, 27364, 27366,
27368

141 WAM 27370, 27372

142 WAM 27363, 27365, 27367, 27369, 27371, 27373-4,
27376-8

143 WAM Register 2 212

144 WAM 27358, 27366, 27370, 27372

145 WAM 27345 following

146 WAM 27362 following

147 WAM 27360; OED

148 WAM 27372

149 WAM 27341-2

150 WAM 27358, 27368

1 WAM 27318 and probably WAM 27290, 27304

2 WAM 27322

3 WAM 27326

4 WAM 27297

5 WAM 27363-4

6 WAM 27338

7 WAM 27302

8 WAM 27328

9 WAM 27304

10 WAM 27289, 27295, 27301-2, 27311-13, 27315,
27318, 27323, 27326-7, 27339, Bod, SAL 14

11 WAM 27323

12 WAM 27327

13 WAM 27310-12

14 BL Add Roll 19407 15r, 56045 2r, 560453r

15 Bod

16 BL Add Roll 56043 9r, 19407 10r, 4r

17 BL Add Roll 56040 6r

18 WD 172b

19 WAM 1837, 1881

20 WD 173b-1741456, WAM 19961c

21 WAM 27327

22 WAM 27372

23 BL Add Roll 56045 5r

24 BL Add Roll 56045 1r

25 BL Add Roll 56045 2v

26 BL Add Roll 56039 1r

27 BL Add Roll 56045 1r

28 BL Add Roll 56045 3r, 3v, 4r, 4v

29 BL Add Roll 56042 25r

30 Bod

31 BL Add Roll 56039 7v, 19v, 56040 1v; SHC K85/1/1
5r, K85/2/17

32 DB f.30v 1, p.72; TNA C 52/20 (6)

33 WAM IX, WD 35-6v, Sawyer 1293, Birch 1050, Kemble
vi 1223; these authorities identify this as Ewell in Kent

34 DB f.32v, 6, p.77; WD 36v-38v, Sawyer 774, Kemble ii
483=555, Thorpe p.219

35 WAM 27384-90

36 Register p.2 etc; Fitznells p.xxi

37 CUL 40-40v

38 WAM 9287; BL Additional Charter 8139

39 CUL 43; WAM 27386 1r

40 For a history of this manor see Fitznells pp.xi-xiii, l-
cxxiv

41 For the Cuddington lords, see Fitznells pp.xviii-xx

42 WD 173b-174

43 SHC K85/3/28 p.36v

44 WD 173b-174

45 WAM 1912

46 Fitznells plate IV

47 BL Add Roll 56038 1r, 14r; for Schaldeford see Fitznells
pp.xliv-l

48 Register pp.37, 38, 41, 61, 63, 65, 70, 73, 79, 104, 105,
113, 119, 133

49 B Harvey (1977) pp.85-91

50 WAM 27289-90, 27292, 27295-6, 27300, 27303-5,
SAL 2-3, 10, 15

51 B Harvey (1977) p.357

52 I am grateful to Rita Ensing for giving me access to
her unpublished transcripts of the late 14th-century
account rolls at Westminster Abbey for the convent’s
Wandsworth estates.

53 WAM 27333, 27335-6 (and 27282?)

54 Clark

55 WAM 27289

56 WAM 27304

57 WAM 27294

58 WAM 27290

59 WAM 27328, 27330 (the 2 rectory account rolls cover
the period 1 August 1352 to 29 September 1353)

60 WAM 27354, 27357, 27361, 27363, 27367, 27369, 2737;
WAM 27357

THE WIDER ECONOMY

THE CHURCH AND ITS TITHES 1301-c.1500

61 WAM 27327-30

62 WAM 27357

63 WAM 27295

64 WAM 27302

65 SAL 6-7

66 WAM 27313

67 WAM 27314

68 WAM 27315

69 WAM 27321

70 WAM 27322-3, 27326-31

71 WAM 27333

72 WAM 27354, 27361

73 WAM 27363

74 WAM 27367, 27369

75 WAM 27371

76 WAM 27290-1; he had also been serviens of Halliford and
was serviens of Morden in 1291-92.

77 WAM 27322

78 WAM 27326, 27337

79 WAM 27327

80 WAM 27319, 27321

81 WAM 27322-3

82 WAM 27326-27, 27331, 27333, 27335

83 WAM 27337

84 WAM 27290-1; he had also been serviens of Echelford and
was serviens of Morden in 1291-92.

85 WAM 27295; Nicholas’s job title is not given.

86 WAM 27327

87 WAM 27301

88 WAM 27322-3, 27326

89 WAM 27327

90 WAM 27327

91 WAM 27315

92 WAM 27317

93 WAM 27322-3

94 WAM 27326-7, 27329, 27335

95 SHC K85/3/31; c.f. BL Add Roll 56039 13r

96 WAM 1833-4; 1831-2, 1837-9, BL Add Roll 50638
15r, 5603912r, 50639 13r

97 WAM 27346

98 TNA SC 8/188/9369

99 WAM 1850

100 TNA E 315/122 mm.94a, 95: The Home Counties
Magazine Vol 1 (1899) pp.284-5 – W J Harvey (ed)

101 TNA MPB 1/25/1-2

102 SHC K85/3/28 p.35, K85/3/31; some of these records
related to Malden, which also had regular disputes with
Cheam – see Kenneth Ross A History of Malden (1947)
pp.35-41, 64

103 WAM 27288, 27298-9, SAL 10

104 WAM 27290

105 WAM 27333

106 WAM 27302

107 WAM 27328, 27330, 27336, 27338

108 W AM 27328, 27330

109 WAM 27294

110 WAM 27304

111 WAM 27305-6, 27323-5, SAL 5-6

112 WAM 27333-4

113 WAM 27297

114 WAM 27293

115 WAM 27289, 27300, 27310, 27359, Bod

116 WAM 27289

117 eg WAM 27306, 27310-11, SAL 6, Bod

118 WAM 27324, 27326

119 WAM 27282, 27295, 27301-2, 27311-13, 27318,
27321, 27323, 27326-7, 27339, Bod

120 WAM 27289, 27302, 27306, 27333,

121 WAM 27285, 27314, 27318, 27327, 27335, 27339,
27341, 27360, 27372, Bod

122 WAM 27305, 27311-19, 27321, 27323-4, 27326-7,
27331, 27333, 27335, 27337, 27339

1 W G Hoskins ‘Harvest Fluctuations and English
Economic History, 1480-1619’ in AgHR 12.1 (1964)
pp.28-9

2 C.59, quoted by Mavis Mate ‘Medieval Agrarian
Practices: The Determining Factors?’ in AgHR 33.1
(1985) p.26

3 WAM 27319

4 WAM 27321

5 WAM 27316

6 WAM 27297-8, 27313

7 SAL 2

8 WAM 27314

9 WAM 27316

10 WAM 27312, 27323, 27324

11 WAM 27293-4, 27298, 27300, 27302, 27306, 27322,
27326

12 WAM 27306

13 WAM 27307

14 H E Hallam ‘The Climate of Eastern England 1250-
1350’ in AgHR 32.2 (1984) pp.124-132 . Hallam used
chronicles from St Albans, but a chronicler from Bury
St Edmunds gives a different viewpoint: T Forester
The Chronicle of Florence of Worcester with the Two
Continuations (1854) pp.xii, 369, 405.

15 SAL 15

16 WAM 27321, 27323, 27324

17 WAM 27287, 27294

18 WAM 27390

19 WAM 27323

20 WAM 27331

21 WAM 27333

22 WAM 27335

23 WAM 27282

24 WAM 27291

25 WAM 27292

26 WAM 27295

27 WAM 27318; for use of a court roll for witnessing
murrain see WAM 27314

28 SAL 3

29 WAM 27327, 27329

30 WAM 27287-8

31 WAM 27302

32 WAM 27287-8

33 SAL 15

34 WAM 27326-7, 27331

35 WAM 27295

36 WAM 27312

37 Fryde p.149

38 WAM 27298-94

39 WAM 27295, 27297

40 SAL 3, 6-7, WAM 27306

41 WAM 27297, SAL 6

42 Philip Ziegler The Black Death (1969, 1977); William
Naphy & Andrew Spicer The Black Death (2000)

43 B Harvey (1977) p.144; Flete p.128

44 WAM 27322

45 A John Huberd had served as beadle of Morden from
1308, as reeve from 1323 to 1341 and as granger 1341
to 1342 (see pp.92-3).

46 The Kyppyng tenement was in Ewell (see p.167).

47 WAM 27327 onwards

48 WAM 27373 onwards

49 BL Add Roll 56038 8r

50 ‘In this world nothing can be said to be certain, except
death and taxes’. Benjamin Franklin (1706-90), U.S.
statesman, writer. Letter, 13 Nov. 1789 (The Oxford
Dictionary of Quotations (1941-2004) p.332 quoting
Complete Works, vol. 10, ed. by John Bigelow, 1887-88).

CRISIS MANAGEMENT

THE WIDER ECONOMY

51 eg BL Add Roll 56038 1r

52 BL Add Roll 19407 11r

53 BL Add Roll 56038 10r

54 eg BL Add Roll 56038 1r

55 BL Add Roll 19407 11r, 56046 3v; c.f. SHC K150/1r,
K85/1/1 3v, 4r, 13r, 14r, 15r

56 WAM 27387, BL Add Roll 56039 20v, 56040 10r, 12v,
56042 4r, 6r, 56043 16r, 17r, 56045 5v, 56046 1r, 4r, 5r;
(for comparison with 17th-century situation see SHC
K85/1/1 12r, 15r, 15v, 16r, K85/1/2 1r)

57 SHC K85/3/19

58 WAM Register 2 212, c.f. the 1547-1550 Rental of the
demesne TNA LR 2/190 f.238

59 WAM 27283

60 WAM 27300

61 WAM 27301

62 SAL 1

63 TPN

64 WAM 28896, 5832

65 WAM 29142

66 WAM 29313

67 WAM 29537

68 WAM 1894, 29491, 29510

69 WAM 29977a

70 The valuation given here for Thames Ditton has been
calculated from the total given in WAM 1882

71 WAM 1882

72 WAM 29419

73 WAM 29563

74 WAM 30306 ; D Preest & J G Clark (ed) The
Chronica Maiora of Thomas Walsingham 1376-1422
(2005) p.294

75 WAM 27289

76 WAM 27293

77 Sir Maurice Powicke The Thirteenth Century 1216-
1307 (Oxford History of England – 2nd edn. 1962,
reprinted 1985) p.533

78 WAM 27300

79 J F Willard Surrey Taxation Returns (SRS XVIII 1923)
vii, ix-x, xix, &c; J F Willard SyAC XLI (1933) pp.99-
109

80 WAM 27310, Bod

81 J F Willard Surrey Taxation Returns (SRS XVIII 1923)
p.60

82 WAM 27359

83 WAM 27306

84 BL Add Roll 56038 1r, 19407 7r, 56045 6v

85 WAM 27316

86 Duke of Cornwall: Edward ‘The Black Prince’, eldest son
of Edward III, born 1316, Earl of Chester 1333, Duke of
Cornwall 1337, Prince of Wales 1343, died 1377

87 WAM 27324

88 WAM 27315, 27323-4, 27327

89 WAM 27324, 27327, 27331, 27333, 27335

90 WAM 27315

91 WAM 27316, 27323-4, 27327, 27331, 27333, 27337

92 WAM 27333, c.f. 27327

93 eg WAM 27298, 27323-4

94 WAM 27373 and following

95 W Mark Ormrod ‘England: Edward II and Edward
III’ in The New Cambridge Medieval History VI
c.1300-c.1415 (2000) p.283

96 WAM 27311-3, 27315-6, 27321, 27323-4, 27327,
27331, 27333, 27335, 27337

97 WAM 27295-6, 27298, 27300

98 WAM 27312, 27316-7

99 WAM 27324

100 WAM 27298

101 WAM 27315

102 WAM 27333

103 WAM 27324

104 WAM 27305

105 WAM 27321, c.f. 27319

106 WAM 27316

107 WAM 27337

108 WAM 27316

109 WAM 27324

110 WAM 27327

111 WAM 27321, c.f. 27319

112 WAM 27333

113 WAM 27312

114 WAM 27311

115 WAM 27337

116 WAM 27316, 27327

117 WAM 27331

118 WAM 27327

119 WAM 27316

120 WAM 27337

121 WAM 27305

122 WAM 27312

123 WAM 27298

124 WAM 27323

125 WAM27327, 27331

126 WAM 27327, 27331

127 WAM 27323-4

128 WAM 27323

129 WAM 27327

130 WAM 27337

131 DB f.32v, 6, p.77; B Harvey (1977) p.78

132 See Dyer pp.120-1; B Harvey (1977) p.83

133 WAM 9287; BL Add Charter 8139

134 WD 170a; WAM 27287-27375

135 See Dyer pp.121 following; Fryde pp.11, 25

136 See John Langdon, Jill Walker and John R Falconer
‘Boom and Bust: Building Investment on the Bishop
of Winchester’s Estate in the Early Fourteenth
Century’ in Britnell pp.139 following; Dyer pp.254-
263

137 WAM 27315 onwards; c.f. Bailey p.103, Dyer p.241

138 B Harvey (1977) p.150

139 Fryde p.30

140 Fryde pp.50 following, 128, 227-8; B Harvey (1977)
p.269 ; C Dyer Everyday Life in Medieval England
(1994, 2000) pp.193-4

141 BL Add Roll 56038 4-4v

142 Fryde pp.114-5

143 Fryde pp.145-9

144 Fryde pp.256-7

145 BL Add Roll 56043-5, 19407

146 WAM 27379-83

147 Fryde p.261; c.f. B Harvey (1977) p.160

148 Widmore pp.128-13

149 CPR 7 Edward VI pt xi m.13, pp.233-4

150 SHC K85/2/12

151 The average price of each grain in each decade has
been multiplied by the total quantity of that grain
recorded as threshed or in sheaves over the 10-year
period. The total value of all grains was then divided
by the number of extant accounts to provide an
average value of all corn for the decade.

152 WAM 27373-4, 27376-7

153 WAM 27379

154 WAM 27378

CRISIS MANAGEMENT

CRISIS MANAGEMENT

1 eg SAL 13/10

2 WAM 27293, 27303, 27323

3 WAM 27282-4; WAM 27326-7, 27329

4 WAM 27284-5, 27287-8, 27290-91, 27298-9,
27301-2, SAL 13/10

5 WAM 27319

6 WAM 27320, SAL 9, 11

7 WAM 27315

8 WAM 27296; c.f. WAM 27295

9 WAM 27286

10 WAM 27306-7

11 WAM 27301, 27304, 27313, 27316-9, 27322-4,
27327, 27333, 27335;

12 WAM 27315, 27321

13 WAM 27335

14 WAM 27352 onwards

15 P Harvey pp.29, 35 following

16 WAM 27282-3, 27290, 27295, 27297-300, 27305-6,
27310, 27312-18, 27322, 27335, 27341, 27366-7,
SAL 1-2, Bod

17 WAM 27297-9, 27306, 27310-12, 27319, 27321-4,
27327-8, 27332-3, 27335, 27337, SAL 2, 6, 10

18 WAM 27298, 27308, 27319, 27333, 27359, 27369

19 WAM 27314, c.f. 27333

20 WAM 27318, 27321, 27331, 27335

21 WAM 27293, 27295, 27297, 27308, 27313-4, 27316-
7, 27329, 27337

22 WAM 27287, 27290-92

23 P Harvey pp.48-9 (the whole chapter details the
process of compiling a manorial account)

24 WAM 27284

25 WAM 27297-8, 27313, SAL 2

26 WAM 27293-4, 27306, 27326

27 WAM 27322

28 WAM 27291, 27310-11, 27313, 27335

29 eg WAM 27283-4, 27293

30 WAM 27316, 27318, 27321-3, 27337

31 WAM 27304, 27314-5, 27318-9, 27322, 27324,
27333, 27335, 27337

32 eg WAM 27314

33 eg WAM 27314, SAL 13,

34 WAM 27290, 27298, 27304, 27319, 27321, 27324,
27333, 27337, 27351, 27358, 27361, 27365-6, 27369-
72, SAL 10

35 eg WAM 27293

36 WAM 27300

37 WAM 27300

38 WAM 27301

39 WAM 27305

40 WAM 27302-3, SAL 3

41 WAM 27288

42 WAM 27305

43 WAM 27305

44 WAM 27310, 27314, 27335

45 WAM 27312

46 SAL 1

47 SAL 2

48 WAM 27299, 27310, 27312, 27321, 27323

49 WAM 27323

50 WAM 27289, SAL 6, 13, 10, 15, WAM 27312

51 WAM 27312, c.f. SAL 10

52 Bod

53 WAM 27301, 27304, 27313, 27316-9, 27322-4,
27327, 27333, 27335

54 See the list in B Harvey (2002) pp.109-115. The
records that include Morden are WAM 6184, 9298,
92898*, 6176, 6194, 6198, 6164, 6144, 6138, 6129,
6168, 6136, 6131, 6135, 6119; ERO D/DM M153,
156, 157, 159. I am grateful to Barbara Harvey for
bringing these records to my attention, and for
giving me access to transcripts that she has made
for the edition of the States of the Manors that she is
preparing for publication.

55 WAM 27303-4

56 SAL 13/10, WAM 27324, 27335

57 Bailey p.103

58 WAM 27291, 27311, 27313, 27322, 27324, 27327,
27329, 27331, 27339, SAL 2-3, 13, 15

59 WAM 27288, 27298, 27302, 27323, 27326, 2733,
SAL 10

60 WAM 27293

61 SAL 6/7, WAM 27306, 27310

62 SAL 1

63 WAM 27282, 27293

64 WAM 27333

65 WAM 27311-2, 27318-9, 27322, 27333

66 David Postles ‘The Perception of Profit before the
Leasing of Demesnes’ in AgHR 34:1 (1986) p.13

67 WAM 27333

68 WAM 27335

69 DB f.32v, 6, p.77

70 B Harvey (1977) pp.26, 28, 63 table VI

71 Dyer p.128

72 Christopher C Thornton ‘The Level of Arable
Productivity on the Bishopric of Winchester’s
Manor of Taunton, 1283-1348′ in Britnell pp.109-
137

BALANCING THE BOOKS

BALANCING THE BOOKS

223

INDEX

Bold page numbers indicate main entries.

Reference should also be made to extracts,

charts, tables and diagrams on facing pages.

Decorative initial letters from Westminster Domesday

reproduced by courtesy of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster

H: WD 172b O: WD 169b P: WD 172b S: WD 170 U: WD 172b W: WD 173

224 medieval morden: the manorial economy 1280-1500

Abbot – see Officials

Abbot’s Court 7, 9, 11

Account rolls of manor of Morden

described 4

extracts listed vii-viii

Accounting year – see Audit

Acquittances of labour services – see Labour services

Acquittances of rents – see Tenants

Acres sown – see Demesne

Affeerers – see Courts

Agricultural year – see Labour services

Aldenham, Herts – see Westminster Abbey estates

Ale – see Produce

Ale-taster – see Courts

Allfarthing, Wandsworth, Surrey – see Westminster Abbey
estates

Ambesas, William 79

Amercements – see Courts

Apples – see Crops

Arable fields – see Demesne

Archbishop of Canterbury 89, 149, 151, 161, 172, 173, 185

Archdeacon of Surrey 153, 162

Armed forces – see War

Arrears 135, 137, 140, 141, 143, 157, 162, 167, 169,
189, 190, 195, 197, 200, 201, 202

Ash – see Trees

Ashford, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Ashwell, Herts – see Westminster Abbey estates

Assault – see Courts

Assessors – see Taxation

Assize of bread and ale – see Courts

Assizes – see Courts

Athelstan, Saxon prince 3

Audit 91, 145, 193, 195, 197, 201

accounting year 25, 35, 39, 64, 65, 107, 157, 177, 192,
193, 197

audit process 195

auditors – see Officials

auditors’ instructions 95, 109, 194, 195

charged at audit 35, 61, 195, 199

clerks – see Officials

inventories – see Inventories

sales at 17, 49, 77, 79, 83, 112, 114, 116, 117, 127,
130, 131, 194, 195, 199

sealed documents 193

state of manor 88, 89, 90, 193, 196, 197

surcharges 35, 199

tallies 193, 195, 199

view of account 88, 89, 90, 91, 193

writs 193

Auditors – see Officials

Aylesbury, Bucks 165

Bacon – see Produce

Bailiff – see Officials

Barley – see Crops

Battersea, Surrey – see Westminster Abbey estates

Beadle – see Staff

Beans – see Crops

Bees – see Livestock

Bermondsey eyre – see Courts

Bird-scarer – see Staff

Bishops Sutton, Hants 3

Black Death – see Plague

Blacksmiths – see Craftsmen: smiths

Boards – see Building materials

Boat hire 15, 79, 131

Bodleian Library, Oxford 4

Boundary

conflict with Cheam – see Sparrowfeld

course of parish boundary 3, 7, 13, 31, 165, 173

perambulations – and see Sparrowfeld 13

Bow Lane 31, 165

Bread 39, 41, 43, 53, 101, 107, 119, 121, 123, 125,
131, 159

Bridge tolls 165

British Library 4, 188

Builders – see Craftsmen

Building materials

boards 11, 15, 17, 26, 54, 103, 145

door fitments 11, 26

glass 161

ironwork 15, 161

laths 11, 15, 17, 26, 145

lime 26, 145, 161

nails 11, 26, 145, 161

prices – see Prices

sand 161

shingles 26, 103, 157, 161

stone 54, 145, 161, 165

thatch 11, 51, 103, 145, 157, 161

tiles 26, 103, 145, 161, 165

timber 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 54, 57, 103, 145,
161, 165, 169

Building work

chancel 54, 103, 151, 157, 160, 161, 162, 165, 174,
202

manorial buildings 10, 11, 54, 71, 103, 141, 144, 145,
188, 199, 201, 202

mill 13, 14, 15, 17, 165, 174, 202

rectory barn 151, 157, 160, 161

Bullocks – see Livestock

Bulls – see Livestock

Butter – see Produce

Calves – see Livestock

Camborne Road 165

Cambridge University Library 4

Cannon Hill Lane, Merton 31, 165

Canterbury

archbishop – see Archbishop of Canterbury

Christchurch Priory – see Christchurch

Capons – see Livestock

Carpenters – see Craftsmen

Carrying services – see Labour services

Carshalton, Surrey 3, 31, 83, 141, 165

Carter – see Staff

Carthorses – see Livestock

Carting dung – see Labour services

Carts 19, 20, 21, 26, 54, 57, 103, 113

Cartularies 4

Castration – see Livestock

Casual labour 23, 95, 132

Cattle – see Livestock

Cellarer – see Officials

Central Road, Morden 7, 9, 79, 165

Chaff – see Crops

Chaldon, Surrey 161, 165

Charters 3, 4, 167

Cheam, Surrey 54, 103, 165, 173

conflict over common – see Sparrowfeld

potters – see Craftsmen

Cheese – see Produce

Chelsea, Middx 15, 131, 165

Cherry Wood, Morden 31, 54

Chertsey, Surrey 57

Chevage – see Tenants

Chichester, Sussex 165

Chickens – see Livestock

Chief pledge – see Courts

Christchurch Priory, Canterbury 173

Church 30, 31, 50, 53, 83, 107, 147, 149, 165, 173

account rolls for rectory 41, 43, 49, 51, 95, 129, 143, 155,
157, 161, 162, 174, 177, 195, 199, 201

appropriation 4, 43, 131, 149, 150, 151, 153, 155, 161,
174, 185, 202

building work – see Building work

chancel 54, 103, 151, 157, 160, 161, 162, 165, 174,
202

index 225

Church (continued)

churchyard 3, 31, 153, 165

collecting tithes 157, 158, 159

dedication 149

desks 161

farm of rectory – see Farm

glebe 3, 149, 152, 153

pension to precentor of Westminster 89, 149, 151, 157,
185

perpetual vicars 148, 149, 155

rectorial rights 131, 151

rectors 148, 149, 151

rectory barn 51, 151, 157, 160, 161

rectory estate 47, 95, 123

roof 103, 161, 202

Saxon origin? 149

sketch 147, 161

St Lawrence, feast of 88, 90, 149

steeple 161

tithes 3, 13, 43, 51, 57, 61, 65, 75, 77, 79, 129,
131, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157,
158, 159, 161, 169, 174, 177, 183, 193

valuations – see Valuations

vicars 43, 54, 61, 65, 75, 77, 79, 141, 143, 148,
149, 151, 152, 153, 155, 162

window 160, 161, 202

Churchyard – see Church

Cider – see Produce

Citizens of London – see Tenants

Civic Centre – see Merton Civic Centre

Civil wars 189

Claygate, Surrey – see Westminster Abbey estates

Cleaning mill pond – see Mill

Clergy – see Church

Clerks – see Officials

Cobham, Surrey 162, 165

Cocks – see Livestock

Collectors of rents – see Staff

Collectors of tithes – see Church

Colts – see Livestock

Common fine – see Tenants

Common rights – see Sparrowfeld

Communal meals 101, 103

at table in harvest 93, 99, 101, 123, 125, 127

Christmas 93, 100, 101

Easter 93, 100, 101

harvest goose 79, 93, 100, 101, 111, 123

harvest workers 43, 61, 101, 125

ploughing boonworks 101, 109, 114, 115

pottage 45, 47, 67, 95, 101, 195

Companagium 101, 125

Constable – see Courts

Coombe, Greenwich, Kent – see Westminster Abbey estates

Coombe, Kingston, Surrey 59

Copyholds – see Tenants

Corn – see Crops

Courts

affeerers 107

ale-taster 107, 167

amercements 93, 107, 141

assault 107, 149, 165, 173

assize of bread and ale 107

assizes 165, 167

beadle – see Staff

chief justice of the common pleas 165

chief pledge 107

constable 107

court rolls of manor of Morden 4, 54, 79, 82, 83, 93, 103,
105, 107, 137, 149, 165, 167, 183, 188, 193

debts 107, 149

distraints 11, 93, 107

entry fines 107, 183

essoins 107

Courts (continued)

eyres 165

fealty 107, 183

felons 59, 61, 165, 183, 195

frequency 106, 107

guardians 183

head tithingman 107, 167

heriot 57, 59, 61, 67, 71, 79, 85, 93, 107, 141,
181, 182, 183, 195

hue and cry 107

inheritance 107, 141, 181, 183

inquests 107

jurors 107, 165, 187

justices 165

manorial courts 7, 11, 54, 83, 89, 91, 93, 106, 107, 137,
141, 167, 183, 195, 201

minors 183

ordinances 107

pledges 107

poaching 79, 149

proclamation for heirs 107

proclamation of strays 83, 93, 107, 165

profits of court 106, 107, 137, 141, 143, 183, 195, 201

relief 107, 183

sheriff of Surrey 141

sheriffs’ writs 4

strays 11, 59, 71, 77, 79, 82, 83, 107, 165

suit of court 107, 167

surrender of customary tenements 107

tithings 107, 167

trespass 107, 149

view of frankpledge 107, 183

widows – see Widows

Cowman – see Staff

Cows – see Livestock

Craftsmen

builders – see carpenters and masons below

carpenters 10, 11, 13, 15, 21, 102, 103, 144, 145, 161,
174

farriers 20, 59, 103

masons 161

millers 17, 101, 103, 132

plasterers 145

potters 103

roofers – see thatchers and tilers below

sawyers 15, 102, 103, 144, 145, 174

smiths 31, 101, 103, 105, 115, 161

thatchers 10, 11, 102, 103, 117, 161

tilers 102, 103, 144, 145

Croft, The 6, 7, 13, 53

Crop rotation 32, 33, 35, 115, 202

Crops

apples 50, 153

barley 29, 33, 35, 37, 41, 42, 43, 45, 57, 93, 99,
131, 134, 135, 155, 162, 169, 177, 183,
194, 197

beans 33, 37, 46, 47, 77, 99, 101, 117, 132, 153,
155, 162, 194

chaff 51, 129

couch-grass 57

curall wheat 39, 77, 93, 99

darnel / drank / drauk / drawk 41, 183

dredge 33, 35, 37, 40, 41, 43, 45, 57, 99, 131, 177,
197

forage 51

fruit 50, 153

hay 47, 51, 53, 121, 141, 153, 155, 165, 197

heaped measure 35, 135

hemp 50, 153

increments of corn and malt 35, 43

leeks 50, 132

legumes 35, 46, 47, 177, 202

mixstillio 33, 35, 37, 41, 165

Crops (continued)

new grain 35, 39

oats 33, 35, 37, 41, 43, 44, 45, 54, 56, 57, 79, 89,
95, 101, 131, 134, 135, 141, 149, 155, 157,
162, 165, 174, 177, 183, 194, 195, 197

pearmains 153

pears 50, 153

peas 33, 37, 46, 47, 77, 99, 101, 134, 135, 155,
183, 194, 197

prices – see Prices

pulses 46, 47, 99, 177

purchases – see Purchases

rye 33, 35, 37, 39, 40, 41, 51, 53, 99, 101, 121,
125, 127, 174, 177, 183

sales – see Sales

seed 23, 35, 37, 41, 43, 45, 47, 49, 115, 135, 177,
202

seeding ratios 37, 177, 202

straw 51, 53, 103, 113, 117, 145, 161, 197

struck measure 35, 129, 135

stubble 51, 132

tithe corn 43, 51, 57, 129, 131, 153, 154, 155, 157,
158, 159, 161, 169, 177, 183

vegetables 50, 132

vetches 33, 37, 41, 46, 47, 53, 99, 155, 183, 194

vines 50, 132

wheat 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 43, 45, 57, 89, 93, 95,
99, 101, 125, 127, 131, 132, 134, 135, 153,
155, 162, 165, 177, 183, 194, 197, 202

withies 54

yields 34, 35, 36, 37, 155, 176, 177, 188, 195, 199,
201, 202

Crown inn, Morden 31

Croydon, Surrey 61, 83, 162, 165

Cuddington, Surrey 54, 103, 141, 167, 173

Curall – see Crops

Customary dues – see Tenants

Customary tenants – see Tenants

Custumal c.1225 4, 53, 79, 105, 109, 110, 115, 121, 123, 131,
167, 188

Dairy 11, 23, 51, 61, 65, 67, 95, 159, 181, 201, 202

Dairy at farm – see Farm

Dairy produce – see Produce

Dairy farmer – see Staff

Dairy lad – see Staff

Dairy worker – see Staff

de la Mare – see Mara /de la Mare family

de Mara – see Mara /de la Mare family

Deadstock – see Produce

Dean of Ewell – see Ewell

Dearth 177, 189, 195

Death 107, 183

entry fines and reliefs – see Courts

heriots – see Courts

inheritance – see Courts

life expectancy 183

livestock – see Murrain

plague – see Plague

Debt 190

Debts – see Courts

Demesne

acres sown 32, 33, 36, 37, 39, 45, 47, 71, 112, 113, 129,
154, 155, 177, 188, 195

arable fields 28, 29

crops – see Crops

defined 3, 29

farm or lease of – see Farm or lease

livestock – see Livestock

meadows 3,
7, 9, 13, 31, 52, 53, 105, 111, 121, 177

pasture 13, 33, 37, 52, 53, 54, 93, 173, 177, 188,
197

staff – see Staff

tithes 155

woodland 31, 54

Desks – see Church

Disease, livestock – see Murrain

Dissolution of monasteries 7, 189, 202

Distraints – see Courts

Ditches 9, 53, 93, 107, 117, 132, 145, 149, 165

Domesday Book 3, 13, 101, 149, 167, 188, 201

Door fitments – see Building materials

Doves – see Livestock

Drank / Drauk / Drawk – see Crops

Draught horses – see Livestock

Dredge – see Crops

Drought – see Weather

Dry boonworks – see Labour services

Duckett, Lionel 7, 189

Duckett’s Farm, Morden 6, 7

Ducks – see Livestock

Dulwich, Surrey 83, 165

Dunstan, bishop of London & archbishop of Canterbury

3, 167

East Morden 54, 103, 107

East Pyl brook 13, 31, 54

Echelford, Ashford, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Economic trends

inflation 188, 189, 201

recession 188, 189

Edgar, Saxon king 3, 167

Efficiency 202

Eggs – see Produce

Elm – see Trees

Entry fines – see Courts

Epsom Road, Morden 54

Equipment 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 50, 54, 67, 103,
129

Escheator 187

Essex – see Westminster Abbey estates

Essoins – see Courts

Ethelred, Saxon king 3

Everest, John 7

Ewell 3, 53, 54, 79, 83, 103, 105, 107, 121, 126,
165, 167, 173

location of holdings 166, 167

Dean of 151, 157

Morden fee 3, 166, 167

sub-manors 167

tenants 79, 105, 109, 121, 123, 141, 160, 165, 167,
181, 190

Ewes – see Livestock

Exchanges between manors – see Westminster Abbey estates

Expenses 141, 201

building 10, 11, 51, 54, 103, 143, 144, 145, 160,
161

carts 20, 21, 54

foreign 50, 83, 141, 143, 161, 165, 174, 185, 195,
200, 201

harvest 39, 41, 43, 50, 61, 65, 77, 79, 89, 93, 97,
101, 123, 124, 125, 127, 155, 157, 158,
159, 169, 174, 177, 188, 189, 193, 195

mill 14, 15, 16, 17, 119, 197

mowing 39, 41, 65, 53, 121

petty 11, 22, 23, 50, 51, 53, 67, 101, 113, 115,
129, 132

ploughing 101, 114, 115

ploughs 18, 19, 54, 57

rectory 61, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162,
165, 177

sheepfold 70, 71

staff 92-101

threshing – see Threshing

visitors 39, 57, 61, 65, 79, 89, 91, 93, 193

weeding 121

Extent 1312 4, 7, 13, 28, 29, 31, 33, 50, 52, 53, 54, 79,
91, 103, 105, 108, 109, 110, 113, 115, 118,
119, 121, 123, 124, 126, 131, 132, 149, 167

Eyres – see Courts

Fairs 83, 107, 165

Falling disease – see Murrain

Fallow 32, 33, 35, 37, 39, 47, 53, 113, 115, 141,
188, 202

Famine 176, 177, 188, 189, 202

Farm or lease

in kind 17, 134, 135, 141, 143, 169, 188

of customary tenements – see Tenants

of dairy 61, 65, 66, 67, 85, 95, 105, 121, 181, 201,
202

of demesne plots – see Tenants

of grazing 33, 51, 52, 53

of demesne / manor 3, 4, 7, 13, 54, 59, 71, 83, 93, 107,
109, 113, 115, 133-146, 151, 157, 177, 181,
183, 188, 189, 193, 195, 199, 201, 202

of mill 17, 103, 104, 105, 202

of poultry 79, 105, 202

of rectory – see Church

of tithes 149, 155

Farmers of demesne 7, 54, 59, 83, 93, 95, 134, 135,
136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 145, 151, 155, 181,
185, 189, 195

Farmers of rectory 155, 162, 165

Farriers – see Craftsmen

Fealty – see Courts

Feering, Essex – see Westminster Abbey estates

Felons – see Courts

Festivals – see Labour services

Field-names 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 43, 50, 52, 53, 54

Firewood 54, 132, 165, 169, 173

Fish 131

– and see Expenses, harvest

Fleeces – see Produce

Flooding – see Weather

Fodder 45, 47, 51, 57, 89, 91, 93, 129, 149, 187,
193

Foot & mouth disease – see Murrain

Footman – see War

Foreign expenses – see Expenses

Foreign receipts 157, 169, 174, 185, 201

Foxes 79, 179

Frankpledge – see Courts

Free tenants – see Tenants

Fruit – see Crops

Game – see Livestock

Gardens 7, 11, 29, 47, 50, 53, 145, 153, 177

Garth family 7, 54, 137, 155, 189

Gascony, France 189

Geese – see Livestock

George inn, Morden 31

Gildonhill, Morden 29, 30, 31, 141, 188

Gimmers – see Livestock

Glass – see Building materials

Glebe – see Church

Grain – see Crops

Granary at Westminster Abbey, keeper of – see Officials

Granger – see Staff

Grazier – see Staff

Green Lane, Morden 3, 165

Green Lane, Worcester Park 165

Greenford, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Greenwich, Kent – see Westminster Abbey estates

Growtes, Morden 6, 7

Guardians – see Courts

Guildford, Surrey 165

Halliford, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Hampstead, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Hams – see Produce

Hanwell, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Hares – see Livestock

Harrower – see Staff

Harrowing – see Labour services

Harrows 19, 23, 26, 54, 57, 95, 115

Harvest 51, 111, 123-127, 129, 157, 177, 181, 188

at table – see Communal meals

boonworks – see Labour services

collecting tithe corn – see Church

expenses – see Expenses

harvest goose – see Communal meals

harvest works – see Labour services

length of 97, 158, 176, 177

love boons – see Labour services

quality of 35, 176, 177, 188, 199

Hay – see Crops

Haymaking – see Labour services

Head tithingman – see Courts

Heaped measure – see Crops

Heifers – see Livestock

Hemp – see Crops

Hendon, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Hens – see Livestock

Heriot – see Courts

Herle, Sir William de 115

Hides – see Produce

Hobalds estate, Morden 3, 9, 155, 165

Hogget pigs – see Livestock

Hogget sheep – see Livestock

Holidays – see Labour services

Honey – see Produce

Horse collars 19, 21, 26, 57

Horsell, Surrey – see Westminster Abbey estates

Horses – see Livestock

Household servants – see Staff

Housemaid – see Staff

Hue and cry – see Courts

Hurdles 71, 74, 104, 105, 108, 135, 141, 160, 161

Income and expenditure 4, 66, 140, 141, 156, 162, 174,
191-202

Increments of corn – see Crops

Increments of rents – see Tenants

Inflation – see Economic trends

Inquests – see Courts

Inventories 19, 21, 23, 24, 25, 50, 67, 129, 183, 193

Issues of the Grange – see Crops

Jurors – see Courts

Justices – see Courts

Keeper of Granary at Westminster Abbey – see Officials

Kelvedon, Essex – see Westminster Abbey estates

King’s highway 165

Kingston Road 29, 165, 193

Kingston, Surrey 17, 59, 61, 83, 92, 103, 162, 165, 169

Kitchener – see Officials

Knightsbridge, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Kynnersley manor & family 3, 31, 105, 141, 165, 188, 201

Labour services 3, 108, 109, 110, 135, 181, 188, 189, 194,
195, 202

accounted for 4, 109, 194, 195

acquittances 93, 109, 112, 114, 116, 127, 130

agricultural year 111, 202

building work 51, 103

carrying services 57, 109, 130, 131, 195

carting dung 57, 109, 112, 113, 117, 195

cleaning mill pond – see Mill

dry boonworks 43, 109, 122-127

festivals 109, 111, 117

harrowing 57, 95, 109, 117, 187, 189

harvest boonworks 39, 43, 61, 77, 109, 115, 122-127,
159, 167, 181, 195

harvest works 109, 122, 123, 124, 127, 181

haymaking 39, 41, 53, 65, 99, 109, 117, 120, 121, 181

holidays 109, 111, 117

love boons 123, 125

manual works 51, 109, 112, 113, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121

manuring – see muckspreading below

Mederth or Nedherth 115

mowing 53, 105, 111, 120, 121, 167, 177

muckspreading 33, 35, 37, 112, 113, 117, 189, 202

Labour services (continued)

Nedherth or Mederth 115

ploughing boonworks 101, 109, 114, 115

ploughing services 109, 114, 115, 195

sale of – see Sales

sheepshearing / washing 71, 75, 109, 111, 118, 119, 179

weeding 109, 117, 120, 121, 189

winter works – see manual works above

Lad – see Staff

Lambeth Archives 4

Lambeth, Surrey 149, 157, 165

Lambs – see Livestock

Laths – see Building materials

Lease books – see Registers

Leases – see Farm

Leather – see Produce

Leatherhead, Surrey 162, 165

Leeks – see Crops

Legumes – see Crops

Life expectancy – see Death

Lime – see Building materials

Livery or gown 141

Livestock 11, 45, 55-86, 95, 112, 113

bees 83, 153

bullocks 60, 61, 62, 63, 69, 83, 179

bulls 60, 61, 62, 63

calves 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 85, 153

capons 78, 79, 80, 81, 89, 105, 135, 141, 187

carthorses 21, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 103, 135, 179

castration of 61, 79, 132

cattle 60, 61, 62, 63, 67, 69, 83, 85, 107, 169, 173,
179

chickens 78, 79, 80, 81, 89, 179

cocks & hens 59, 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 105, 135

colts 56, 58, 59, 83, 153

cows 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67, 69, 83, 85, 179

doves 79, 95

draught horses 19, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 69, 83, 85, 103, 132,
135, 179, 202

ducks 78, 79, 80, 81, 179

ewes 53, 70, 71, 72, 73, 83, 135, 179

game 79

geese 59, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 88, 89, 101, 134, 135,
153, 179, 187, 194

gimmers 70, 71, 72, 73, 83

hares 79

heifers 60, 61, 62, 63, 67, 69, 85, 179, 181

hogget pigs 76, 77

hogget sheep 70, 71, 72, 73, 179

horses 21, 45, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 69, 83, 85, 169,
179, 187, 193, 202

lambs 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 83, 135, 153, 179

mares 58, 59, 83

mariola 78, 79, 134, 135

oxen 19, 21, 53, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 69, 83, 85,
95, 115, 135, 179, 197, 202

partridges 79

pheasants 79

piglets 76, 77, 153, 179, 194

pigs 23, 39, 69, 76, 77, 83, 85, 107, 169, 179

poultry 78, 79, 80, 81, 85, 95, 105, 129, 135, 141,
169, 202

prices – see Prices

purchases – see Purchases

rabbits 79

rams 71, 72, 73, 75, 135

sales – see Sales

sheep 33, 53, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 83, 109, 111, 113,
119, 169, 173, 179, 181, 188, 202

sows 76, 77, 179

steers 60, 61, 62, 63

stotts – see draughthorses above

strays – see Courts

swans 79, 80, 81

Livestock (continued)

wethers 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 85, 179

yearling calves 61, 62, 63, 69

yearling lambs 71, 72, 73, 179

yearling pigs 76, 179

Livestock disease – see Murrain

London 3, 7, 15, 17, 90, 165, 189

London Road 31, 54, 79

London Waye 165

London, citizens of – see Tenants

Lower Morden 31, 149, 162, 165

Lower Morden Farm 54

Lower Morden Lane 54

Malden, Surrey 54, 103, 165, 173

Malt – see Produce

Manor at farm – see Farm

Manorial accounts – see Account rolls

Manorial buildings – see Building work

Manorial Centre 5-26, 202

Manorial courts – see Courts

Manual works – see Labour services

Manuring – see Labour services

Mara /de la Mare family 9, 115

Mares – see Livestock

Mariola – see Livestock

Markets 61, 77, 83, 85, 107, 165, 189

Marl 20, 21, 35, 95, 113, 177, 202

Maslin – see Staff

Masons – see Craftsmen

Mauvillain family 7

Meadows – see Demesne

Meat – see Produce

Mederth or Nedherth – see Labour services

Medsilver – see Tenants

Merstham, Surrey 54, 145, 165

Merton Civic Centre 29, 31

Merton Common, Merton 29, 31

Merton Grange, Merton 7, 31

Merton Priory 3, 7, 9, 31, 141, 155, 159, 167, 187

Merton, London Borough of 3

Milk – see Produce

Mill 3, 12-17, 23, 131, 177

at farm – see Farm

buildings 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 54, 57, 103, 165, 169,
174, 197, 202

expenses – see Expenses

internal arrangements 15

machinery 15, 17, 26

millpond 12, 13, 15, 109, 117, 118, 119

millstones 15, 17, 165, 177, 201

multure 17, 93, 99, 103, 177

sites 12, 13

staff 103

tithes – see Church

water control systems 12, 13, 15, 17, 103, 117

Millers – see Craftsmen

Minors – see Courts

Mitcham Common 165

Mitcham, Surrey 3, 9, 13, 54, 115, 148, 165

Mixstillio – see Crops

Moated site, possible 6, 7, 9

Monkon / Monkton / Mounkton Farm 7, 31, 155

Monks named – see Officials

Monks visiting from Westminster – see Officials

Morden Common – see Sparrowfeld

Morden fee in Ewell – see Ewell

Morden Hall 6, 7, 9, 13, 31

Morden Hall Farm 6, 7, 31

Morden Hall Road 9

Morden Hall Snuff Mills 12, 13

Morden House 31, 79

Morden Lodge 7, 31

Morden Park estate 29, 31, 54

Morden Road 7, 9

Morin family 188

Moulsham, Essex – see Westminster Abbey estates

Mowing – see Labour services

Muckspreading – see Labour services

Multure – see Mill

Murrain 57, 59, 61, 67, 69, 71, 75, 83, 103, 113, 178,
179, 181, 188, 189

Nails – see Building materials

Names

occupational surnames – see Tradesmen

of clergy – see Church

of estate managers of abbey estates – see Westminster
Abbey estates

of farmers of demesne – see Farmers of demesne

of farmers of rectory – see Farmers of rectory

of fields – see Field-names

of monks – see Officials

of royal purveyors – see Purveyors

of staff – see Staff

Nedherth or Mederth – see Labour services

New grain – see Crops

New rents – see Tenants

Normandy, France 189

North East Surrey Crematorium 3, 165

Oak – see Trees

Oatmeal – see Produce

Oats – see Crops

Obedientiaries – see Officials

Officials from Westminster Abbey 88-91

abbots 8, 9, 79, 88, 89, 90, 145, 151, 167, 169, 173,
181, 185, 189

auditors 39, 51, 57, 59, 61, 67, 71, 79, 88, 90, 91, 93,
95, 109, 129, 131, 143, 161, 162, 179, 181,
188, 193, 195, 199, 201, 202

bailiffs 39, 47, 57, 79, 83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 101,
107, 135, 145, 149, 161, 169, 173, 174, 185,
193, 195, 197, 202

cellarers 88, 89, 90

clerks 88, 89, 90, 91, 137, 141, 193, 195

keepers of the granary 57, 88, 89, 90

kitcheners 88, 89

monk-bailiff – see bailiff above

monks 79, 89, 129, 149, 151, 181, 189

names listed 57, 79, 88, 89, 90, 91, 95, 145, 151, 174,
193

obedientiaries 89

precentors 89, 149, 151, 157, 185

priors 88, 89, 90, 143, 145, 162

sacrists 89

stewards 61, 88, 90, 91, 132, 141, 173, 183, 185

treasurers 83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 141, 143, 145, 174, 195

visiting serviens 88, 93, 101, 127

visitors 7, 88, 89, 90, 91, 101, 161

warden of churches 88, 90

Ordinances – see Courts

Overseer of harvest – see Staff

Oxen – see Livestock

Oxherd – see Staff

Paddington, Middx – see Westminster Abbey estates

Parham, Sussex – see Westminster Abbey estates

Parklond, Morden 79

Partridges – see Livestock

Pasture – see Demesne

Peacock Farm, Morden 31

Pearmains – see Crops

Pears – see Crops

Peas – see Crops

Peasants’ Revolt 188

Penge, Surrey – see Westminster Abbey estates

Perpetual vicars – see Church

Pershore, Worcs – see Westminster Abbey estates

Pestilence – see Plague

Petty expenses – see Expenses

Pheasants – see Livestock

Piecework 53, 95, 113, 120, 121, 123, 125, 128, 129,
131, 132, 161, 181, 188, 189, 195

Piglets – see Livestock

Pigs – see Livestock